pruza – Übersetzung – Keybot-Wörterbuch

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Kao jedan od organskih intelektualaca „treceg puta“ on je pridonio forsiranju one „politike globalizacije“ (Bourdieu) koja je u povratnom smislu vodila stvaranju jednog novog transnacionalnog socijalnog pokreta. Taj pokret pruza danas, iz najrazlicitijih motiva, otpor globalizaciji koja se razvija pod neoliberalnim predznakom.
Anthony Giddens is one of the authors who started circulating the term of globalization in the early 90s.[1] As one of the organic intellectuals of the "Third Way", he contributed to promoting the "politics of globalization" (Bourdieu), which in turn led to the development of a transnational social movement, which today, for the most diverse motives, meets globalization under neoliberal auspices with resistance. For some, globalization outside the realm of special fields (such as the financial markets) still appears to be a myth, or at least a less impressive phenomenon than in the years from 1890 to 1914, the age of the gold standard regime, also called the "Belle Époche of Globalization". Others, who believe in the reality of globalization, hardly see anything in it other than an accelerated dissemination of US American or western models.[2]
Anthony Giddens fait partie des auteurs, qui, au début des années 90, introduisirent la notion de globalisation.[1] En tant qu'un des intellectuels organiques de la "Troisième Voie", il contribua au renforcement de cette "Politique de Mondialisation" (Bourdieu), menant en contrepartie à la formation d'un mouvement social transnational qui, pour des raisons des plus variées, s'oppose aujourd'hui à une globalisation s'annonçant sous le signe du néoliberalisme. Pour certains, la globalisation en dehors de certains domaines (tels que les marchés financiers) s'apparente encore et toujours à un mythe ou du moins à un phénomène moins impressionant que dans les années 1890 à 1914, constituant, elles, l'époque du régime des normes d'or, aussi qualifiée de "belle époque de la globalisation". D'autres, croyant en la réalite de la globalisation, n'y voient guère autre chose que l'expansion accelérée de modèles des Etats-Unis d'Amérique ou de l'Occident.[2]
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Prkos i razocaranje koji progovaraju iz duktusa ovoga teksta nalaze svoje objasnjenje u nadi koju autori ulazu u potencijal pruzanja otpora koji je imanentan kulturi. Pritom njima ipak nije stalo do narodne kulture koja bi trebala umaknuti industrijskoj obradi - njihova nostalgija odnosi se na autonomnu elitnu umjetnost.
Horkheimer and Adorno thus drew a sharp - and heuristically hardly tenable - dividing line between culture, which had always contributed to "the taming of both revolutionary and barbaric instincts", and autonomous art. This normative stance is probably better understood from the perspective of their personal position and history than as a stringently scientific deduction. For culture, taken as the norms and values of communities, does not necessarily serve only the "taming of revolutionary instincts", but rather offers resistance to the economic demands of the predominant political system in certain situations. The undialectical and static description of the relations between economic-technological substructure and social-political-cultural superstructure from Marx and, even more so, Lenin (socialism = nationalization + electrification) was countered by Antonio Gramsci with a differentiated analysis of the connection between economy and culture. According to Gramsci, neither the preservation of power nor a change of power is possible without cultural hegemony, revolutions do not emerge quasi inevitably because of economic and technological progress, but instead require an adequate "ideology", which is, in turn, not automatically - as it is presented in some of Marx' writings at least - the outcome of the subject's class position, but instead needs mediation. (Gramsci 1980, passim, e.g. 219) For cultural influences are long-lived and determined by manifold factors, so changing them is consequently not a matter of merely replacing one ideological structure with another, but rather of shifting emphases, new narrative forms, coming up with new ideas that are able to tie into old ideas.

to "i", dakle to zbrajanje ne treba shvatiti kao nasumicno nizanje slucajnoga, ciji je cilj da prikrije proturjecja, dakle kao politicko-propagandisticko otvaranje razlicitih socijalnih polja, nego kao raznolikost privremenih saveza, kao produktivno ulancavanje onoga sto po sebi nikada nije glatko pasalo, i sto se je neprestano grubo trljalo jedno o drugo i upravo kroz to trljanje napredovalo ili se takodjer iznova razdvajalo.[14] To "i" odupire se ujedno nestajanju u jednoj velikoj jedinstvenoj fronti, kao sto pruza otpor rasipanju, parceliziranju i frakcioniranju.[15]
As the precarious practices of the Noborder network, the border camps and caravans work to overcome national frameworks, their transversal lines also break through the hermetic of particularist partial public spheres and exclusive subcultures. This means something substantially more than and different from the stale terminology of interdisciplinarity or transdisciplinarity and the practices that have academized this concept. In the field of art, for instance, it no longer means the dissolution of the boundaries of disciplines in the diverse practices between happenings and performances, but rather cooperations between artists, theoreticians, activists, etc. all across the different fields. As transversal lines tend to transsectorally cross through several fields, they link together social struggles and artistic interventions and theory production and ... This AND is not to be understood as haphazardly stringing together random elements to cover up contradictions, as a political propaganda display of social fields, but rather as a multitude of temporary alliances, as a productive concatenation of what never fits together smoothly, what is constantly in friction and impelled by this friction or caused to evaporate again.[13] At the same time, this AND resists merging into a large unified front and against splintering, portioning and fractioning.[14] In other words, it does not work like the gluttonous inclusion mechanism, which generates a freedom from contradictions in the insatiable apparatuses of political parties through imperatives of conformity, nor in the style of the mainstream of attac, as a hybrid of Greenpeace and unions, greedy for members on the one hand, but on the other very clever in founding sections. The division of the movement into economic policy, agricultural, artistic, feminist, etc. "sub-unions", the limiting of respective specific competencies to the clichés of their subsectors (for instance, the [self-] limitation of artists to illustrations or recruiting celebrities) are exactly the opposite of the additive function of transversality. Contrary to the principle of delegation according to a division of labor, transversal lines pose a praxis of traversing. Contrary to the old strategies of networking, fragmenting and unifying, the concatenation of diversity needs neither fragmentation nor consensus, at most a constantly renewed differentiation between power and resistance.