armes de destruction – -Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	S'agissant maintenant des autres armes de destruction massive, la Corée du Nord a réussi à se doter de ses propres moyens, à tout le moins en ce qui concerne la production de missiles. D'ailleurs, la Corée en vend parce qu'elle a réussi à se doter d'une capacité de production.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	When it comes to some of the other weapons of mass destruction, North Korea has been able to develop its own indigenous capability, certainly on the missile front. They sell their missiles now because they've developed that capability.

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Toujours dans le domaine de la sécurité, l'Énoncé de politique internationale du Canada insiste sur les armes de destruction massive, alors qu'il passe rapidement sur un danger plus grand à nos yeux. Ce danger est celui de la circulation sans contrôle des armes légères.

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Still in the area of security, Canada's International Policy Statement focuses on weapons of mass destruction, yet glosses over something we consider a much greater threat—the uncontrolled circulation of small arms. There is no doubt that the vast majority of victims during conflicts are killed by small arms, not by weapons of mass destruction. And the major producers and exporters of small arms are members of the UN Security Council and the G8.

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Notre objectif est donc de voir le régime irakien dépossédé de ses armes de destruction massive, et nous sommes convaincus que le mieux pour y parvenir est que le Conseil de sécurité assume sa responsabilité et fasse appliquer ses résolutions.

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Our objective, then, is to see the Iraqi regime disarmed of its weapons of mass destruction. We believe the appropriate means to do this is for the Security Council to assume its responsibility to enforce its resolutions. We will work with others to ensure that the Security Council emerges from this crisis strengthened, not diminished, unified, not divided. This is why Canada supports a strong and clear Security Council resolution that will achieve two vital purposes. First, it will provide Iraq with a final opportunity to comply with effective UN inspections, and second, it will set out clearly the consequences if it does not.

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Dans les circonstances actuelles, une nouvelle façon de penser s'impose. Même une déclaration de la part de l'OTAN qu'elle ne sera pas la première à utiliser des armes de destruction massive serait un petit pas en avant.

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Under the present circumstances, new thinking is in order. At least a declaration that NATO will not use weapons of mass destruction first would be a small step forward. In addition, the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe is unnecessary. Those who believe this is the true blue for the alliance have much less faith than I do in the values that keep our democracies together and give each of us a keen interest in the security, survival, and well-being of each other. It is time to finish with the old-fashioned nuclear coupling theology.

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Dans ce paragraphe, le Conseil de sécurité dit que les mesures que doit prendre l'Irak dans le respect des paragraphes 8 à 13 «s'inscrivent dans une démarche dont les objectifs sont de créer au Moyen-Orient une zone exempte d'armes de destruction massive et de missiles vecteurs ainsi que de parvenir à une interdiction générale des armes chimiques».

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It's very interesting to note that the immediately following paragraph, 14, sets the context and broader objective. In that paragraph the Security Council says that the actions to be taken by Iraq in paragraphs 8 to13 “represent steps towards the goal of establishing in the Middle East a zone free from weapons of mass destruction and all missiles for their delivery and the objective of a global ban on chemical weapons”.

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Après cela, j'ai fait des études postdoctorales aux États-Unis, d'abord à Monterey, en Californie, où je me suis attaché surtout à la prolifération des armes de destruction massive et du terrorisme, et ensuite à Harvard, où j'ai étudié la protection civile et le degré de préparation face au terrorisme, surtout dans le contexte de la planification des mesures d'urgence plutôt que du point de vue législatif.

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Prof. Gavin Cameron : Okay. My experience includes writing a master's thesis in security studies that focused on terrorism generally. I wrote a Ph.D. thesis in Britain looking at the way terrorist organizations escalate the level of violence they employ, and the psychological factors that go into that; I wrote that in St. Andrews in Scotland. From there I held post-docs in the U.S., one in Monterey, California, dealing predominantly with proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, and one at Harvard, dealing with domestic preparedness and civil responses to terrorism, mainly in the context of emergency planning rather than legislative responses. Then I held teaching posts in Britain for three years, and now in Canada at Calgary for the last 18 months.

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Nous avons essayé d'évaluer le plus précisément et le plus objectivement possible la capacité de l'Irak en matière d'armes de destruction massive. Il nous a été impossible de ne pas voir que l'Irak a fait tous les efforts possibles pour camoufler son passé, l'historique des programmes d'armement, pour faire obstruction au démantèlement de ses actifs actuels et pour conserver sa capacité en prévision de l'avenir.

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We've tried to assess as accurately and as dispassionately as possible Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capability. We couldn't fail to note that Iraq has made every effort to obscure its past, the history of the weapons programs, to obstruct the dismantlement of its present assets, and to retain the capabilities for the future. That is indisputable. These are just facts. And since Iraq forced the inspections to end in 1998, and they were withdrawn, inspections by late 1998 became useless. There was no cooperation, and so there was no point in having inspectors in Iraq at that time. The Iraqi leadership had decided that the attention of the world's leading military powers was elsewhere, on the Balkans at that time. So Iraq was immune from any serious military operation that would destabilize the regime.

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Toutefois, avec le temps, le SCRS a modifié ses priorités pour être mieux en mesure d'assurer la sécurité publique, de plus en plus exposée au terrorisme international et à la prolifération des armes de destruction massive.

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Over time, however, CSIS has shifted its operational priorities to meet the requirements related to public safety, most notably exemplified in the growing threats of international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. By 1989-90, the service's operational priorities, on which ministers are consulted on an annual basis, specified public safety as the number one requirement, a ranking that remains valid to this day.

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J'ai l'impression que leur document sera considérable. Ils nieront avoir présentement des armes de destruction massive, mais avoueront en même temps qu'ils en ont eu passablement dans les dernières années et au cours de leur histoire.

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Like you, I'm not expecting any sensational revelations in the report that Iraq will be tabling, most probably on Saturday. I get the feeling that report will be quite voluminous. Iraq will deny having any weapons of mass destruction at this time. However, they will also acknowledge that recently and over the years, they have had such weapons in their possession. The report is likely to contain statements concerning obsolete weapons, primarily chemical and biological weapons. I'm not expecting any new revelations regarding nuclear weapons.

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La CSNU, soit le précurseur de la COCOVINU jusqu'en 1998, avait établi avoir détruit de 90 à 95 p. 100 des stocks d'armes de destruction massive et de l'infrastructure de l'Irak. C'est au sujet de la quantité restante qu'il y a conflit : l'Irak affirme qu'elle a été détruite pendant la guerre.

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Mr. Roger Normand: I think what Professor Franck said is of fundamental importance, but not only is there a negative lesson that might be learned from this whole situation--get nuclear weapons now--there is the enormous cost of the positive lesson, and we forget about this sometimes. UNSCOM, the precursor of UNMOVIC up to 1998, established that it had destroyed 90% to 95% of Iraq's stocks of weapons of mass destruction and infrastructure--about the remaining amount there is a dispute: Iraq says it was destroyed in the war etc. This is the most successful weapons regime in history. Then, because of a U.S. and U.K. strike in 1998, we lost that weapons inspection regime for another four years. Now it's back, and the U.S. government may make the same mistake, a pre-emptive war, rather than letting the most successful model of weapons inspections, I would argue, that exists in the world today fulfil its course, which seems to be the demand of most of the world.

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Par contre, en ce qui concerne les défis que pose une voie de transport maritime internationale, en termes de contrebande ou d'immigration illégale, ou de transbordement de marchandises illégales, pouvant éventuellement comprendre des armes de destruction massive ou d'autres choses que nous essayons de réglementer dans les ports et dans les couloirs maritimes du monde entier, il peut effectivement y avoir des problèmes.

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But in terms of the challenges that come with an international shipping route, in terms of smuggling or illegal immigration, or the transshipment of illegal goods, potentially including weapons of mass destruction or other things that we try to regulate in ports and shipping lanes around the world, yes, there are issues. Mr. Cellucci picked up on this in 2004 and 2005, saying that for the Americans the terrorist issue was important. And even if we in Canada don't think it's as pressing in the Arctic as they do, it does provide a reason for getting them to the table. If our concerns are protecting our citizens and protecting our environment, and if their concerns are about terrorism, and if it leads to the same result and a negotiated agreement, that's good.

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Le second projet est destiné à nous aider à réduire le risque de prolifération d'armes de destruction massive dans les pays de l'ex-Union soviétique. Le Canada a convenu de financer le Centre de science et de technologie, en Ukraine, aux côtés de la Suède, de l'Ukraine et des États-Unis.

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The second project is to help reduce the risk of proliferation of former Soviet weapons of mass destruction. Canada agreed to fund the Science and Technology Centre in Ukraine, along with Sweden, Ukraine and the U.S.A. The aim of the STCU, the Science and Technology Centre project, is to support research and development projects submitted by Ukrainian scientists and engineers who were formerly involved with the development of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery, as part of the general process of conversion from a military to a civilian, market-oriented environment.

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Malheureusement, il y a ceux qui soutiennent que nous devrions lever les sanctions. Nous donnerions alors à Saddam Hussein l'occasion d'obtenir des armes de destruction massive ce qui pourrait aggrave les problèmes plutôt que les régler.

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But I certainly still have fresh in my mind the evidence that was before the committee on the suffering of the Iraqi people at this time, and there's no question about it in terms of natality rates and other issues. These are big issues for us to look at, and I still think we have to try to refine the sanctions regime as a way.... But unfortunately, while there are those who argue that we should eliminate the sanctions regime, then of course we would be giving Saddam Hussein an opportunity to obtain weapons of mass destruction, and that might create worse problems than it would solve. So I'm not in favour of that solution either.

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L'Énoncé de la politique internationale mentionne la possibilité que des armes de destruction massive tombent un jour entre les mains de terroristes et propose une approche contre la prolifération de ces armes pour faire face à ces menaces.

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The IPS notes the possibility that weapons of mass destruction will one day fall into the hands of terrorists and adopts a counter-proliferation approach to these threats. The cases of Iraq, Libya, and North Korea suggest that diversion of nuclear materials from civil programs to clandestine weapons programs is a very real proliferation concern that must be addressed. We would recommend, therefore, that Canada maintain a policy fully in line with the international norm that precludes any civilian nuclear cooperation with the state unless there is verifiable commitment--in other words, full-scope safeguards--to forgo the acquisition of nuclear weapons, while continuing to enforce export controls and supporting threat reduction.

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En résumé, compte tenu de l'instabilité de la sécurité internationale, y compris la prolifération d'armes de destruction massive et l'émergence d'États rebelles, de non-États et d'entités terroristes, il est nécessaire de maintenir un système de dissuasion nucléaire à moyen terme.

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In summary, in view of instabilities in the international security regime, including proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and emergence of rogue states, non-states, and terrorist entities, it is necessary to continue with a system of nuclear deterrence in the medium term. At the same time, established nuclear disarmament negotiations should proceed. CDA recommends, therefore, that Canada continue to follow its current policy of working towards greater achievements in nuclear arms control while avoiding measures that could destabilize and lower the effectiveness of NATO and NORAD, the true cornerstones of our security policy.

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Au chapitre des initiatives internationales, le Canada collabore étroitement avec ses alliés pour s'adapter à une situation internationale beaucoup plus difficile et répondre à toute une série de menaces, pour empêcher les terroristes d'acquérir des armes de destruction massive et des matières premières pour en fabriquer, et pour tarir les sources de financement du terrorisme.

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On international initiatives, Canada works with its allies to deal with a much more difficult international scene and a wide range of threats, to prevent terrorist acquisition of weapons and materials of mass destruction, and to curb the financing of terrorism. From an economic, security, and defence standpoint, our relationship with the U.S. remains by far Canada's most important bilateral relationship. Canada needs to foster the political and security relationship to ensure continued economic prosperity. We need to re-examine Canada's operations abroad and the security provided to Canadian embassies. To complement domestic counter-terrorism strategies, Canada will need to assist other countries in preventing terrorist networks and to cut off the terror threat at the source.

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Au cours des sept années qui se sont écoulées entre 1991 et 1998, alors que l'ambassadeur Ekeus était le président de la Commission spéciale de l'ONU, avant que Richard Butler n'occupe ce poste, l'Irak a subi un désarmement considérable pour ce qui est de ses armes de destruction massive.

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A second difference is that Iraq has been under a total economic embargo since August 1990. Its army, built up with the aid of massive conventional arms transfers from the permanent five members of the UN Security Council in the 1980s, was devastated in Operation Desert Storm. In the seven years between 1991 and 1998, when Ambassador Ekeus was the chair of the UN special commission, before Richard Butler took over, Iraq underwent substantial disarmament in relation to its weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, the UN inspectors are credited with destroying more Iraqi weapons than the U.S.-led forces in Operation Desert Storm. It is inconceivable that its army could be anything other than a shadow of what it was in 1990.

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En outre, il existe une préoccupation croissante relativement à la prolifération des armes de destruction massive entre les mains de terroristes et d'États rebelles. À cet égard, on reconnaît de façon générale qu'on a dissuadé Saddam Hussein de se servir de sa capacité dans ce domaine par la crainte d'une riposte nucléaire de la part des États-Unis ou d'Israël.

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Moreover, there's a growing concern over the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to rogue states and terrorists. In this respect, it is now generally accepted that Saddam Hussein was deterred from applying his capability in this area by the fear of nuclear retaliation by the United States or Israel. Thus, although nuclear weapons do not of themselves maintain peace, they continue to place great premium on caution when one nuclear adversary deals with another and vital interests are at stake.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Toutefois, je trouve déconcertant certains aspects du libellé du rapport, de même que la tendance à utiliser des termes qui sont désuets ou qui pourraient être jugés à courte vue et lourdement influencés par le mouvement de rhétorique qui a suivi les attaques du 11 septembre sur le terrorisme, les armes de destruction massive et la sécurité.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	However, what I find disconcerting is the language of the report in certain aspects, as well as a tendency to use a terminology that is outdated or can be misconstrued as short-sighted and heavily influenced by the bandwagon of post-9/11 reactionary rhetoric on terrorism, WMDs, and security.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Lorsque les forces de la coalition sont allées en Irak, elles l'ont fait pour libérer un pays, pour y trouver des armes de destruction massive et aussi pour présenter aux États arabes un exemple resplendissant de démocratie.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Murray Calder (Dufferin—Peel—Wellington—Grey, Lib.): Professor Feldman, I found this very interesting this morning. When the coalition force went into Iraq, it went in to liberate a country, to find weapons of mass destruction, and also to put forward a shining example of democracy in the Arab states.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	J'ai été très heureux d'entendre certaines de vos observations, surtout lorsque vous avez parlé de la façon dont on a exagéré la présence d'armes de destruction massive en Irak, maintenant que le monde a une autre interprétation des faits.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	I was pleased to hear a number of your comments, especially when you talked about the exaggeration of the WMD in Iraq and the understanding that the world now has of that actually taking place in the fashion it did.

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En toute honnêteté, il n'y a pas d'autres questions vraiment comparables. Même le Département de la sécurité intérieure des États-Unis classe les matières dangereuses parmi les armes de destruction massive.

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Quite frankly, there is no other comparable type of issue. Hazardous materials, even by the Department of Homeland Security, are classified as weapons of mass destruction. In fact, you've seen in Miami-Dade County, in Florida, that they've moved the rail spur, and they've also done it in other areas, like Washington. Cleveland has a law. They are prohibited, and they've moved hazardous materials to other lines, away from populations.

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Les Russes acceptent que la prolifération des missiles et des armes de destruction massive crée une nouvelle situation. D'ailleurs, bien qu'ils l'admettent moins volontiers, l'exportation de la technologie russe a contribué matériellement à cette prolifération.

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The Russians accept that proliferation of missile capability and weapons of mass destruction does create a new situation. Indeed, although they admit this less readily, the export of Russian technology has contributed materially to that proliferation. Still, the Russians maintain that they are closer to the rogue states than the U.S. is and therefore potentially in greater danger than the United States is.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Monsieur le président, mesdames, messieurs les députés, la question qui est posée est celle de la guerre ou de la paix avec l'Irak. Je ne commenterai pas le rapport et les commentaires de M. Terence Taylor sur la question spécifique des armes de destruction massive que posséderait l'Irak.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Chairman, committee members, the question under consideration is that of war or peace with Iraq. I will not comment on Mr. Terence Taylor's report or comments on the specific issue of weapons of mass destruction that Iraq allegedly possesses. Mr. Taylor has provided a description that is circulating in public opinion, in some research institutes and in certain governments.

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Si nous sommes sérieux quand nous parlons d'éliminer la capacité d'acheminer des armes de destruction massive au moyen de missiles balistiques, si c'est un objectif réel, et si, ce faisant, comme je l'ai soutenu ailleurs, nous faisons éclater l'environnement de sécurité qui s'est révélé satisfaisant pendant la guerre froide, notre défense étant fondée sur l'incapacité de nous défendre, la menace de représailles massives était essentiellement notre manière de renforcer ou même de créer notre sécurité.

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If one is serious about eliminating the ability to deliver weapons of mass destruction by ballistic missiles, if that's a serious objective, and in so doing, as I've argued elsewhere, break out of the security environment that worked successfully during the Cold War in which our defence was based upon the inability to defend ourselves, the threat of massive retaliation was the way we essentially enhanced or created our security.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Je tiens à rappeler aux membres du comité que le professeur David a fait mention dans son mémoire de la recherche indépendante effectuée par l'Institut international d'études stratégiques sur les armes de destruction massive en Irak.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	I want to remind the members that Professor David mentioned in his submission the independent research that has been done on the question of the weapons of mass destruction in Iraq by the IISS, the International Institute for Strategic Studies. I want to remind you that the summary of this study was given to all the members.

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Les principaux domaines où le Canada peut faire valoir ses propres intérêts tout en coopérant avec les États-Unis sont les enjeux hémisphériques, la lutte contre la prolifération des armes de destruction massive de même que la réforme de l'ONU et notre engagement multilatéral.

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Key areas where Canada can advance its own interests while cooperating with the United States include hemispheric issues and countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as UN reform and our committed multilateral involvement. Our role in Afghanistan is highly appreciated and valued in both the administration and in Congress, and on issues such as Darfur we have many of the same interests and preoccupations.

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Le débat relatif aux armes de destruction massive est très passionné. En ce moment, c'est Scott Ritter contre l'Institut international d'études stratégiques. N'oubliez pas toutefois les propos de Scott Ritter en 1997, au moment de sa démission.

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The debate about the weapons of mass destruction is a very heated debate. Right now you have Scott Ritter versus IISS. But I would remind everybody of what Scott Ritter said in 1997 when he resigned from his position. He thought the administration and the international community was too weak and was not inspecting enough and not being hardline enough. So the peacenik of today, the hero of today, was in fact the proponent of very hard measures five years ago. I'm not saying he is wrong; I'm saying he changed his mind.

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Après les armes de destruction massive, permettez-moi de passer maintenant à l'autre extrémité du spectre des armes, celle des armes classiques. On a rappelé également que ce sont des civils et non des combattants qui constituent la grande majorité des victimes de ces armes.

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Let me now turn from the WMD to the other end of the weapons spectrum, the area of conventional arms. It has also been recalled that civilians, rather than combatants, continue to make up the vast majority of victims of these weapons. These are the weapons that continue to impede sustainable peace and development and for which humanitarian factors, and indeed the obligations under international humanitarian law, play a particularly prominent role.

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À l'échelle mondiale, notre priorité consistera à travailler à rendre le monde plus sûr en luttant contre le terrorisme, en stabilisant les États en déroute ou fragiles et en combattant la prolifération des armes de destruction massive; à renforcer la prospérité pour les Canadiens en accentuant la compétitivité de notre pays, en élargissant nos possibilités d'activités commerciales et en ciblant le soutien aux entreprises canadiennes; et à prendre nos responsabilités en favorisant le respect des droits de la personne, le bon gouvernement et le développement efficace, qui sont des préalables essentiels à la sécurité et la prospérité mondiales.

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Globally our focus will be on building a more secure world by countering terrorism, stabilizing failed and fragile states, and combatting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; building prosperity for Canadians by strengthening Canada's competitiveness, widening our commercial engagement opportunities, and targeting support for Canadian businesses; and taking responsibility by promoting human rights, good governance, and effective development are essential prerequisites to global security and prosperity. To ensure effective implementation of these priorities, the statement describes how we will employ a more flexible diplomacy and a new multilateralism.