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"Mitte der 1990er hieß es, ich sei Osteuropäer. Am Ende des Jahrtausends galt ich als Südosteuropäer. Heute nennt man mich Balkan-Künstler. Dabei habe ich all die Jahre in Bukarest gelebt."(Dan Perjovschi)
"In the mid-1990s, they said I was from Eastern Europe. By the end of the millenium I was said to be from South-East Europe. Today the call me a "Balkan artist". But I have lived in Bucharest all this years." (Dan Perjovschi)
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In der Anfangsphase galt Moldau aus der Sicht des "Westens" als marktwirtschaftlicher Vorreiter unter den GUS-Ländern. Bereits in den frühen 1990er Jahren trieb die moldauische Regierung die Liberalisierung des Handels sowie die Privatisierung von Industrie und Landwirtschaft voran.
In the early phase Moldova was, from the "western" perspective, a leader among the CIS countries in terms of a market economy. Already in the early 1990s the Moldovan government was pursuing the liberalization of trade and the privatization of industry and agriculture. It was thanks to such measures that the republic became the first post-Soviet state to be accepted into the World Trade Organization in July 2001.
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Und lassen Sie sich verführen – von einem unabgeschlossenen, dialogischen, kaleidoskopartigen und zwischen zwei Buchdeckeln sortierten Versuch einer Auseinandersetzung mit ortsgebundenen und gleichwohl grenzüberschreitenden Fragestellungen, mit in Bewegung geratenen Subjektivitäten, Blickregimen und Sichtachsen, Sprachregelungen und Bildwelten. Als notwendige Voraussetzung für diesen Versuch der Vergegenwärtigung und der Vermittlung galt uns stets die Verschränkung von Innen- und Außenperspektiven sowie eine Distanznahme in der Empathie.
We need only recall briefly here that official wordings and translations frequently become political issues as well; every translation inscribes, consciously or unconsciously, one’s own cultural background. And, as always, the devil is in the details. The explosive force of official wordings can be seen, for example, in the spelling of the name of the city of Pristina. The editors here have followed the international convention that adopts neither the Albanian spelling ( Prishtina ) nor the Serbian one ( Priština ), but rather creates its own: Pristina. Our Kosovar colleagues, speaking Albanian, by contrast, use the Albanian spelling Prishtina. Kosovo belongs to the state union Serbia and Montenegro, even if Kosovar self-conception has produced a clear vote for independence. The presence or nonpresence of the h in Pristina thus narrates the complex history of a conflict over the status of Kosovar society that is still unresolved. For that reason, we decided against standardization, as in other cases as well, and tried to portray the naming practices currently in use.
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Konzeptuelle Kunstformen haben im ehemaligen Jugoslawien ja seit den 70er-Jahren eine große Tradition. Die Doktrin des sozialistischen Realismus galt dort nicht durchgängig wie in den Staaten des Warschauer Paktes, die Moderne war Teil der offiziellen Auffassung von Kunst.
Kathrin Becker: For a long time now, I've been interested in art from socialist countries and their successor states. Paradigmatic transitions like those that have taken place in the former Yugoslavia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are especially interesting: from a socialist notion of art, particularly in the sense of an independent path pursued under Tito, to an understanding of art today that is revealing itself everywhere as a "dictatorship of the ethnic nation." To typify this transition using the example of monuments opens up an interesting spectrum. Conceptual art forms have had a great tradition in the former Yugoslavia since the 1970s. The doctrine of socialist realism did not hold sway there as completely as in the states of the Warsaw Pact; modernism was very much part of the official line on art. A very important part of the work undertaken in "De/construction of Monument" is the aspect of counterweights: forming counterweights to the conservative notions of art held by the new national elites.
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Zwar garantiert die bulgarische Verfassung von 1991 die Informations- und Pressefreiheit, doch übten Parteien und mächtige Interessengruppen stets starken politischen und wirtschaftlichen Druck auf die Redaktionen der verschiedenen Medien aus. Vor allem die Kontrolle über das Fernsehen galt bislang als selbstverständlicher Bestandteil der Regierungsverantwortung.
Although Bulgaria’s 1991 constitution guarantees freedom of information and the press, the parties and powerful interests groups place heavy political and economic pressure on the editorial staff of the various media. It was long considered a matter of course that control of television in particular was the responsibility of the government. As a result, the post of the chairman of the television station changed eleven times between 1989 and 2000, according to the preferences of the party in power. In keeping with Bulgarian policies toward minorities, until mid-2000 there was a requirement that the programs of the state electronic media could only be broadcast in Bulgarian. The zeal which the Bulgarian government is currently showing with regard to the code of criminal procedure relating to freedom of the press is connected to the country’s imminent joining of the EU. As recently as autumn 2004 the progress report of the EU commission noted that the accusation of defamation of character or libel could be punished with fines high enough to destroy a person’s livelihood, and that the legal protections on journalists’ information sources were entirely inadequate.
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In der Nachkriegsära galt die Volksrepublik Bulgarien lange Zeit als einer der treusten Bündnispartner der Sowjetunion. Doch spätestens mit dem Machtantritt von Michail Gorbatschow 1985 kühlte das Verhältnis zwischen den beiden Staaten merklich ab.
In the postwar era the People’s Republic of Bulgaria was long considered one of the most faithful allies of the Soviet Union. At the latest by the time that Mikhail Gorbachev took office in 1985, however, the relationship between the two states had cooled considerably. Their relations of economic exchange, which until then had been very close, also cooled around this time. The standard of living of the Bulgarian people declined noticeably, although they had hoped for greater freedoms and better benefits from the frequently promised changes to the political and economic system. Faced with a growing crisis of legitimacy, Todor Shivkov, the long-standing state and party leader, attempted to consolidate his position through a mixture of reform rhetoric and repression. At the same time, there was an increase in discrimination against the Turkish minority, a practice with a long history in Bulgarian ethnic policy.1 As early as the mid-1980s the official organs of the party and state forced members of these ethnic groups to "Slavicize" their Turkish first and last names. In spring 1989 Shivkov opened the border with Turkey and, with the help of a campaign of violence, touched off a mass exodus of more than 300,000 people. In the end, however, these actions accelerated his fall, as they completely isolated the People’s Republic of Bulgaria internationally. On November 10, 1989, the head of state was stripped of his powers by the Bulgarian leadership, by arrangement with Gorbachev. The successor to the Communist Party, renamed the Bulgarian Socialist Party ( BSP ), sought to remain in power by the parliamentary route. Its chances were reasonable, in fact, as the dissident movement in Bulgaria was relatively weak. On December 7, 1989, the opposition had formed an alliance called the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS). The spectrum of oppositional forces ranged from human rights and environmental groups by way of nonaligned union action groups to parties revived from the interwar period.
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Das galt, wenngleich aus unterschiedlichen Gründen, nicht nur für die regionalen ExpertInnen aus dem Osten, sondern auch für die westlichen ExpertInnen, die sich in der Regel auf Vergleiche mit westlichen KünstlerInnen beschränkten.
"East Art Map II" – Objectification and Democratization While EAM I was slowly taking shape, a series of features became apparently characteristic of how the art system functioned in the countries of the so-called East. We would like to emphasize two of these features because they are connected to one another and are of special significance for the further development of the project. Although we expressly asked the invited experts to base their selection of the artists and their works on their specific contribution to regional and international art production, only a few followed this request. As a result, the artists were selected according to varied criteria. We had actually expected this, but at the same time had hoped that the selection criteria would at least be more clearly defined. Only in a few cases was the art production of the east reflected on with reference to contemporary production in the West. This holds true, when for different reasons, not only the regional experts from the east, but also for the western experts, who as a rule restricted themselves to comparisons with western artists. Part II of EAM, currently in the process of being implemented, is for these reasons focused on reviewing and objectifying the results of EAM I. The project plans to build a website, to incorporate research and critical judgments by experts on the relationship between eastern and western art production, and to conduct research studies in cooperation with universities. We have asked experts from East and West to send us texts of between ten to fifteen pages which compare art from both regions using concrete examples. We allotted topics on the basis of our knowledge of the authors and their specialist areas. We do not expect that these texts will close the existing gaps in this area, but rather view them as role models for possible future research topics. We hope that this and our cooperation with universities will stimulate new research and further scholarly analysis. The "East Art Map" is also accessible on the internet as of September 2004. On the site, we have requested further information from the public which may possibly change the topography of the map. This approach will, firstly, accelerate the collection of data and democratize its processing; secondly, it will enable everyone to take part in shaping history as it gestates before our eyes and ensure that other artists and artworks are added; and thirdly, it will create the space and conditions for e