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Biographie – NORTON, JO...

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On ignore à quelle date naquit John Norton. Son père appartenait à la nation cherokee et avait, dit-on, été « sauvé, enfant, de Kuwoki, quand ce village a[vait] été incendié par les Anglais ». Sa mère vivait probablement près de Dunfermline, en Écosse, à la naissance de John.

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The date of John Norton’s birth is not known. His father had come from the Cherokee nation, “having been taken, a boy, from Kuwoki, when that village was burnt by the English,” according to one report. His mother was an Anderson who was probably living near Dunfermline, Scotland, when their son John was born. It is also probable that the son received his education in a good school in Dunfermline, and in a print shop, perhaps his father’s. The letters, speeches, and journal which John composed later show that he had had good training in the writing of English.

Biographie – HANNAY, JA...

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En tant qu’historien, par contre, il ne fut, comme Raymond s’en plaignait à William Francis Ganong*, qu’un « écrivassier » – un « Écossais têtu comme une mule [qui... abordait] un sujet dans le but d’étayer les opinions qu’il a[vait] exprimées précédemment plutôt que dans l’esprit d’un honnête chercheur ».

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As a journalist Hannay was the most prolific popularizer of New Brunswick history in his time. As an historian, however, he was, as Raymond complained to William Francis Ganong*, a “hack writer” – a “pig-headed scotchman [who] . . . will pursue the subject rather with the design of bolstering his previously expressed opinions than in the spirit of a candid enquirer.” It fell to Raymond and Ganong to lead New Brunswick historical writing out of journalism and into sober professionalism, a process which would render James Hannay’s energetic scribblings all but forgotten.

Biographie – HOPKINS, J...

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Hopkins n'avait pas une « constitution robuste », mais il avait la plume facile et ne se laissait pas aisément déconcentrer. De confession anglicane, il ne se maria qu'en 1906. (Annie Beatrice Mary Bonner, catholique, était deux fois plus jeune que lui.)

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Hopkins did not possess a "hardy physique" but he was a fast writer, one who allowed few distractions. An Anglican, he did not marry until 1906 (Annie Bonner, a Roman Catholic, was half his age). According to one biographer, his "life was one of great nervous activity" and "his literary output was probably larger than any other publicist in the Dominion." In a writing career that spanned three decades, he produced some 40 books and pamphlets, wrote extensively for newspapers, journals, and other publications in Canada and abroad, and coordinated and edited a number of series, including the first encyclopedia on Canada. Produced in six volumes between 1898 and 1900, this work, a good deal of it prepared by Hopkins himself, was meant to document authoritatively Canada's past and present; Canada "requires only to be known in order to be great," he wrote. In addition, each year between 1901 and 1923 he edited and wrote much of the ambitiously conceived, massively detailed, and still widely consulted

Biographie – McBRIDE, s...

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Le 15 décembre 1915, jour de ses 45 ans, McBride annonça sa démission et fut remplacé au poste de premier ministre par Bowser. La presse de l’opposition se plaignit que « l’ancien pilote n’a[vait] pas conduit son vaisseau jusqu’à bon port ».

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On his 45th birthday, 15 Dec. 1915, McBride announced his resignation and was replaced as premier by Bowser. The opposition press complained that “the late pilot has not guided his vessel to an untroubled anchorage”; Conservative papers declared he “typified the progressive, democratic spirit of this new land” while admitting he was not “without some blemishes.” Friends and foes agreed he had “a thorough knowledge of this province, . . . an attractive personality, is uniformly courteous and has an enviable gift for making friends.” Indeed, affability was a key to Richard McBride’s political successes. His tall, well-built frame, topped by a curly head of hair that was sprinkled with grey when he first took office but soon turned pure white, led one writer to suggest “no man could be as wise as McBride looked.” Though he appeared robust, his health often failed him after strenuous activities such as election campaigns.

Biographie – MILLS, WIL...

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En octobre, l’archidiacre Thomas Bedford-Jones, partisan déclaré de la Haute Église, écrivit à son ami Albert Spencer, secrétaire du synode de l’Ontario, à propos de la visite de Mills à Brockville. Bedford-Jones déclara que la visite avait été « très satisfaisante, sauf peut-être en ceci qu[e Mills] a[vait] refusé de prendre part à une célébration quelconque » de l’Eucharistie.

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Mills was not an advocate of frequent synodical meetings, at the diocesan, provincial, or national level. He did attend the tercentenary of the Anglican church in the United States, celebrated in Richmond, Va, in 1907, and the Pan-Anglican Congress in London the following year. But unlike Lewis, he made no regular fund-raising trips to England. He attempted in 1902 to reorganize the chapter of St George’s Cathedral, so that every archdeacon and canon should be a week in residence at the cathedral each year, but the practice lapsed. He had no opportunity to teach in an Anglican college in his diocese, since Lewis’s plan for a seminary in Belleville had failed. However, two Anglican schools flourished, St Alban’s for boys (established 1901) in Brockville and St Agnes’ for girls (1903) in Belleville. The bishop supported the teaching of religion in the public school system, but for separate denominations, declaring, “This dominion is made up of peoples of diverse races and religions.” He promoted the special claim of Trinity College, Toronto, as the Anglican university of the province.

Biographie – ADHÉMAR, J...

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À Londres, l’ex-jésuite Pierre-Joseph-Antoine Roubaud, qu’on peut soupçonner d’avoir voulu remplacer Adhémar comme délégué, relata que celui-ci « vi[vait] tranquillement et en homme obscur dans son auberge, connu de peu, visité par personne ».

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Adhémar and De Lisle remained optimistic, however, when they learned that Haldimand, whom they held responsible for their failure, was going to be replaced by Carleton. Adhémar decided to remain in London for another year, whilst De Lisle returned to Canada to report. Both of them asked Briand to support Adhémar publicly, in order to give his mission a more official character. Briand was anxious to remain discreet, but he wrote to Carleton on 30 June 1784 that although he could not publicly approve a mission he considered “hasty and somewhat ill-humoured,” he was in agreement with the idea of bringing French priests to Canada, and he asked Carleton to use his influence in support of Adhémar. On 5 November Briand sent Adhémar a letter of encouragement and even permission to write an address in the clergy’s name, provided that he did not implicate the church in any political mission.

Biographie – ALDERSON, ...

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En janvier 1916, à un poste de secours canadien, quelqu'un nota dans son journal intime que l'« infatigable » Alderson était un « petit homme aimable » et qu'il « a[vait] parlé aux patients un à un, en ayant pour chacun une question gentille ou une plaisanterie ».

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“He was an Englishman of a fine type,” claimed the Times, “and the affection which he inspired in all who knew him was great.” In two wars, Canadians able to appreciate an energetic, conscientious English officer could echo that affection. At a Canadian dressing station in January 1916, a diarist described the “indefatigable” Alderson as a “kind, gentle, little man” who “spoke to the patients one by one, with a pleasant enquiry or a bit of banter for each.” A decent, honourable, unimaginative man, he had been more faithful to the interests of Canadian soldiers than their own minister. “Canadian politics,” Alderson had confessed to his friend Hutton in 1915, “have been too strong for all of us.” They ended his career.

Biographie – KEMP, sir ...

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En novembre, Hughes était dans une position encore plus précaire : il avait continué d'agir au mépris des instructions de Borden, et la confusion régnait dans l'administration militaire du Corps expéditionnaire canadien à Londres.

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In November, Hughes was in deeper trouble still over the confused military administration of the Canadian Expeditionary Force in London and his defiance of Borden's instructions. The prime minister demanded his resignation and called on Kemp to put the Department of Militia and Defence back in order; he became minister on 23 November. In a private note on 5 Jan. 1917 to Sir George Halsey Perley*, another trusted lieutenant, who had gone to London as high commissioner and was now minister of overseas military forces, Kemp confessed that he found the department in a "remarkable condition of affairs" and that the "adjustment of nearly every difficult decision had been postponed and the stream was blocked."

Biographie – MITCHELL, ...

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Dans son rapport de 1888, il disait espérer que « l’achèvement rapide de certaines sections importantes [du] réseau ferroviaire [de la province] faciliterait l’accès aux marchés de la République voisine ». Un an plus tard, il estimait que « le relèvement général du marché britannique du bois a[vait] insufflé une vie nouvelle » au commerce de cette marchandise.

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James Mitchell seems to have made few political enemies. Although a political protégé of the partisan Blair, he was a capable administrator who came to know his province through personal travel and close observation. In an age when railway patronage was rampant, Mitchell emerged with his hands clean and his reputation intact. A lifelong Conservative, he none the less threw his weight behind the man who created New Brunswick’s Liberal party. He was one of the last unaligned politicians in an arena where party lines were becoming firmly fixed.

FR:Biography – MUNRO, H...

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Dans sa propriété, Somerset Vale, il avait, disait-on, « une ferme aménagée avec art et cultivée avec talent, qui telle une oasis souri[ait] aux forêts sur lesquelles elle a[vait] été gagnée par des années d’infatigable labeur ».

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, smiles upon the wilderness, from which years of unremitting industry have reclaimed it.” In 1825 he was a member of the committee appointed by the assembly to consider ways of improving agriculture and promoting immigration; it recommended the creation of the New-Brunswick Agricultural and Emigrant Society. Active in this association until it ceased to exist, Munro sat on its central committee from 1828 to 1830. He was also the organizer and first president of the Gloucester County society, formed in 1828.

FR:Biography – STROBRID...

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La ténacité avec laquelle James Gordon Strobridge avait mené sa croisade pour obtenir un paiement équitable se retrouvait aussi dans son travail comme ingénieur. En 1826, les flots déchaînés du lac Ontario menacèrent de démolir le brise-lames en construction, et Strobridge, l’air résolu, constata que les caissons avaient été placés assez profondément pour résister aux coups.

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The tenacity which James Strobridge brought to his crusade for just payment was also reflected in his work as an engineer. When in 1826 a hostile Lake Ontario threatened to smash the unfinished breakwater, Strobridge, watching grimly, saw that the caissons had been sunk deep enough to withstand the pounding. Francis Hall observed that “every part thereof, has been so severely tested, that the practicability of the measure and permanence of the works even in their unfinished state is now beyond doubt.”

Biographie – LINDALA, J...

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se demanda comment « un obscur tailleur socialiste d’origine étrangère a[vait] pu récolter plus de huit mille voix [... en se présentant] contre un barrister irréprochable ». Dans son programme, Lindala avait prôné l’abolition de l’« esclavage du salariat » et la propriété collective des terres et de la machinerie, mais son succès semble avoir été attribuable en grande partie au mécontentement des électeurs.

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, for instance, wondered how “an unknown Socialist tailor of foreign birth should poll over eight thousand votes . . . against a barrister of irreproachable character.” Lindala’s platform had advocated the abolition of “wage slavery” and urged collective ownership of lands and machinery, but his strong showing seems to have been largely due to a high protest vote. The socialists were nevertheless elated both with the results and with the publicity surrounding the campaign, in which, the

FR:Biography – DUN, JOH...

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Les raisons de ce geste ne sont pas connues avec certitude ; pourtant, dans une requête du 28 décembre 1796, pour obtenir une nouvelle concession, il faisait état de sa démission « devant certaines circonstances décourageantes » et affirmait qu’il « profess[ait] la religion chrétienne et l’obéissance aux lois et a[vait] vécu dans ce pays sans offenser qui que ce [fût] ».

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Dun had not married and died intestate, leaving his creditors to petition for administration of his estate. Robert Hamilton and Dun’s principal creditors, Patrick Robertson and Company of Montreal, to whom he owed at least £1,400, sought control from Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter. The decision was made in favour of the Robertson company’s authorized local agents, the Niagara merchant John MacKay and Samuel Hatt*, brother of Richard.

Biographie – O’BRIEN, J...

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, dirigé par Robert John Parsons*, qui considérait cette procédure comme un abus d’autorité sans précédent contre un homme qui, « à force de travail assidu, a[vait] réussi à défricher quinze des quelque cinquante acres de terre inculte que la couronne [lui avait accordées] [tout en] élev[ant] une famille nombreuse, prévoyant qu’ [...] il pourrait leur léguer [cette terre] comme le produit d’une vie de labeur et de misère ».

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of Robert John Parsons*, who regarded the proceedings as an unparalleled piece of oppression against one who “by dint of persevering toil has succeeded in clearing fifteen out of some fifty acres of wild land from the Crown and has reared a large family during the process – calculating that . . . he could bequeath it to them as the produce of a life of labour and penury.” Apparently nobody bid on the farm and O’Brien retained possession.

Biographie – ZHEEWEGONA...

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Au cours de l’été de 1784, James Sutherland*, de la Hudson’s Bay Company, qui faisait de l’exploration à l’ouest de Gloucester House, rencontra les capitaines Zheewegonab et Cannematchie (peut-être le frère de Zheewegonab) et leurs bandes, soit 15 hommes, plus les femmes et les enfants, qui campaient au lac Pashkokogan, tout juste au sud-est du lac Saint-Joseph. Zheewegonab raconta à Sutherland qu’à la fin de l’été de 1783, ayant trouvé Gloucester House désert, il avait jeté ses fourrures.

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During the summer of 1784 James Sutherland* of the HBC, exploring west of Gloucester House, met captains Zheewegonab and Cannematchie (possibly Zheewegonab’s brother) and their bands, totalling 15 men plus women and children, camped at Pashkokogan Lake just southeast of Lake St Joseph. Zheewegonab told Sutherland that late in the summer of 1783, upon finding Gloucester deserted, he had thrown his furs away. That winter he apparently traded his catch to the men from Montreal. Sutherland made a speech to the Indians to attract them back to Gloucester, and then smoked the sacred calumet with them, aware that “none but he who is or intends to be your real friend will smoak the great Pipe.” The Indians held a dance and a feast involving the eating of a dog. Sutherland’s guide and Zheewegonab then exchanged guns, gift exchanges being important in establishing alliances.

FR:Biography – TRUSCOTT...

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que « la Truscott & Co. a[vait] fait faillite pour de bon ». En février 1838, la chambre d’Assemblée du Haut-Canada estima que les billets impayés par l’Agricultural Bank s’élevaient à 20 000 $ ; les déposants ne reçurent pas un sou.

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AO, MS 78, Stanton to Macaulay, 18 March 1835; Cozens to Macaulay, 18 March 1835; Macaulay to Ann Macaulay, 14 April 1837; RG 1, A-I-6, 14; A-II-2, 1: 287. Devon Record Office (Exeter, Eng.), St David parish, Exeter, reg. of marriages, 29 Nov. 1820. Erie County Surrogate’s Court (Buffalo, N.Y.), will of George Truscott. PAC, MG 24, E1, 9: 1038–41; MG 30, D101, 2–4; RG 1, L3, 502: T18/16; RG 5, A1: 70797–800, 73499–503, 78719–20, 79494–96, 82370–72, 82674–84, 123472–74. PRO, ADM 107/31: 176. St James’ Church (Church of England) (Teignmouth, Eng.), West Teignmouth, reg. of baptisms, 7 June 1785 (transcript at Devon Record Office).

FR:Biography – LANGEVIN...

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Dès 1839, avec le consentement de Signay, Langevin employa le revenu des terres appartenant à l’archevêque pour payer la pension des étudiants, « dans l’espérance d’en faire [des] ecclésiastique [s] pour ce pauvre diocèse [...] qui en a[vait] tant besoin ».

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In the field of education Langevin stood out as a leader. He encouraged the setting up of primary schools and bolstered the dedication of itinerant teachers. But his zeal was especially evident in the assistance he gave to the young men of the Madawaska area to enable them to pursue their studies at college, particularly at the Collège de Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière. From 1839 Langevin, with Signay’s permission, used the income from the lands belonging to the archbishop to pay the students’ board, “in the hope of making ecclesiastics of them for this poor diocese . . . which needs them so badly.” Part of his own income was put to the same purpose. Between 1855 and 1857 he gave the college donations totalling £2,000 for bursaries that are still offered. The college inherited his estate, estimated to be worth £3,079.

Biographie – BUTLER, MA...

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Sa mère le rejoignit et habita avec lui jusqu’à sa mort en 1895. Plus tard la même année, Butler épousa Margaret McLean, qui avait une fille de dix ans, Lilian. Un fils, Albert Martin, naquit le 26 mai 1897.

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In his later years Butler remained a familiar figure in the streets of Fredericton, a large bearded man in a long coat pulling his cart through the streets with his newspapers, the friend and protector of small boys throughout the city. He continued to peddle copies of his books, which carried testimonials describing him as “an honest, industrious, temperate and law-abiding citizen” and a worthy subject for “sympathetic, humane and Christian consideration.” Shortly after the outbreak of World War 1, in an editorial entitled “The failure of Christianity,” Butler again voiced his faith in socialism: “The only thoroughly unselfish organization that practices as well as preaches freedom, justice, brotherly love, grace, mercy, and peace, is the Socialist organization.” A few months later

FR:Biography – RYAN, JO...

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En 1847, Withers notait qu’il avait, avec Ryan, « détenu le titre d’imprimeur de la reine pendant les 15 dernières années, période durant laquelle (les infirmités de la vieillesse ayant empêché M. Ryan d’être de quelque secours) [il] a[vait] assumé seul les devoirs de cette charge ».

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. It is apparent that Ryan’s active participation in the printing business had ended by 1832. Writing in 1847, Withers noted that he had, jointly with Ryan, “held the appointment of Queen’s Printer for the last 15 years, – during which period, (the infirmities of advanced age having prevented Mr. Ryan from assisting therein in any manner) the duties of the office have solely devolved upon me.” Ryan died in 1847 “after a protracted and painful illness.”

Biographie – DES VŒUX, ...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	Lorsqu’il quitta St John’s, sir Robert Herbert, du ministère des Colonies, écrivit qu’« il a[vait] remarquablement réussi à gagner la confiance et les bonnes grâces des ministres et de la population ».
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	Never afraid to speak his mind or to take an independent line, Des Vœux proved, in difficult circumstances, to be one of Newfoundland’s better governors. As Sir Robert Herbert of the Colonial Office wrote when Des Vœux left the colony, it was to his credit that “he has succeeded in a remarkable degree in obtaining the confidence and goodwill of ministers and people.”

FR:Biography – PLANTÉ, ...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	Son ami intime, Pierre-Stanislas Bédard, devait faire remarquer que « les soucis et les inquiétudes qu’il a[vait] pris dans les affaires et dont [il avait] été témoin [avaient] bien contribué [...] à affoiblir sa force physique. C’était une belle âme dans un corps frêle. »
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	Planté died suddenly on 13 Feb. 1826. His close friend, Pierre-Stanislas Bédard, was to observe that “the cares and anxieties which he assumed in [all his] affairs and of which I have been a witness certainly contributed . . . to weakening him physically. He was a noble soul in a frail body.”

Biographie – TURRIFF, J...

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Au cours de ses premières années aux Communes, il fut souvent appelé à défendre son bilan, et celui de Sifton, en matière d’administration des terres du dominion. En 1907, après l’une de ses interventions, même le chef de l’opposition, Robert Laird Borden*, admit qu’« il a[vait] présenté une défense très solide ».

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In parliament Turriff never was a prominent leader, but he was an able and active mp and senator. In his early years in the House of Commons he was called upon repeatedly to defend his record, and that of Sifton, with respect to the administration of dominion lands. Even opposition leader Robert Laird Borden* commented after one of Turriff’s speeches in 1907 that “he has made a very strong defence.”

Biographie – HESPELER, ...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	Décédé quelques mois plus tard, cet homme qui, rappelait sa nécrologie, « a[vait] déjà été si important dans la vie de la province » fut inhumé au cimetière anglican St John à Winnipeg, parmi les pionniers de la ville.
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	In his final months, after the death of his third wife in 1920, Hespeler moved to Vancouver to be with his son, Alfred. He died there and was buried in St John’s Anglican cemetery in Winnipeg, among the city’s pioneers. His obituary remembered him as a man “who was at one time so foremost in the life of the province.”

Biographie – CHIPMAN, W...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	Rien ne permet d’affirmer avec certitude que le ressentiment contre « une famille qui a[vait] toujours monopolisé le plus important poste du comté » ait été général mais le fait qu’on l’ait mentionné est un indice significatif de l’influence qu’avait la famille Chipman.
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	William Henry Chipman, with his numerous political offices and wide business interests, in many respects represented the height of the Chipman family influence in Kings County. Some of his children followed distinguished careers in the medical and political professions, but the dominant role of the Chipman family in Kings County was largely at an end.

FR:Biography – MALLORY,...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	d’York, un entrefilet signalait à propos de Mallory qu’il « a[vait] depuis figuré dans les journaux de son pays comme un expert dans l’art d’employer les biens d’autrui à son propre usage, ce pour quoi on lui a[vait] accordé des appartements dans une prison d’État ».
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	reported that he “has since figured in the Newspapers of his country as an adept in the art of converting the property of others to his own use, for which accomplishment he has been honoured with lodgings in a State Prison.” A letter of 28 March 1832 in the

FR:Biography – MALLORY,...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	d’York, un entrefilet signalait à propos de Mallory qu’il « a[vait] depuis figuré dans les journaux de son pays comme un expert dans l’art d’employer les biens d’autrui à son propre usage, ce pour quoi on lui a[vait] accordé des appartements dans une prison d’État ».
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	reported that he “has since figured in the Newspapers of his country as an adept in the art of converting the property of others to his own use, for which accomplishment he has been honoured with lodgings in a State Prison.” A letter of 28 March 1832 in the

Biographie – WATSON, AL...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	Cet ouvrage paru en 1923 ne suscita pas des commentaires aussi élogieux de la part de tous les critiques, mais Edwin John Pratt* souligna que le « travail d'interprétation a[vait] été accompli avec intuition et finesse ».
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	series, on the poet Robert Winkworth Norwood* (1923). Though all reviewers were not so positive, Edwin John Pratt* wrote that the "task of interpretation has been accomplished with insight and refinement." Watson had also collaborated with Pierce in compiling the noted anthology

Biographie – ROE, HENRY...

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Les Roe avaient grandi au sein de l’Église d’Angleterre et, comme Henry le rappela plus tard, il était « en quelque sorte convenu (comment, [il] ne le sa[vait] pas) » qu’il serait ordonné ministre du culte.

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Henry Roe’s early home life was unsettled. His family moved from Henryville to Dorchester (Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu) and then to Christieville (Iberville). Two brothers had died as infants before he was born; when he was four his mother and younger brother died; three years later his younger sister died. A few months afterwards, the rebellion of 1837 broke out. The family feared assassination because of the father’s loyalist views, so Henry was sent to live with an aunt in Vermont. In 1842, three years after his return, his father died in a boating accident on the Rivière Richelieu. Destitute, the six surviving Roe children kept house together in Montreal for a year and a half, and then went their separate ways. Henry, now 14, entered McGill College and lived in residence, having won a competition for a scholarship founded by Charles William Grant, Baron de Longueuil.

Biographie – McBRIDE, s...

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FR:Biography – JONES, S...

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Les perspectives immédiates n’étaient guère reluisantes pour Jones. En 1783, peu avant de s’installer sur sa terre, il avait tenté sans succès d’exploiter une entreprise commerciale avec son frère Daniel.

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His immediate prospects were not encouraging. In 1783, shortly before going to settle on his land, he had terminated a joint business venture which he had tried with his brother Daniel, though to no success. In 1784 he petitioned Governor Frederick Haldimand*, noting that the province was “over run with Gentlemen of your Memoralists profession . . . and the small pay your Memoralist had during his seven years’ servitude to His Majesty put it out of his power to have any Money beforehand.” He asked that the governor “point out some Bread for him.” While he was waiting, he had to endure the hardships suffered by loyalist settlers during these early years. However, his medical skill, unstinting generosity to those in need, and loyalty to the crown soon brought him recognition. In 1788 he was appointed surgeon to the local militia and by 1794 had become clerk to the district land board. He was made a justice of the peace in 1796 and the same year was elected to the Upper Canadian House of Assembly for the riding of Leeds and Frontenac. Although not a prominent political figure, he was a conscientious representative, patiently dealing with the petitions and claims of his constituents. At the end of his term as an assemblyman, he faced a turning-point in his career. In 1799 he applied, unsuccessfully, for the position of hospital mate at Kingston. However, later that year he was appointed a justice of the peace for the recently created Johnstown District and in 1800 he was sent a commission making him a judge of the District Court. He thereafter committed his talents and energies entirely to the needs of the region.

Biographie – BELLIVEAU,...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	de Shédiac, l’abbé Marcel-François Richard, leader nationaliste acadien, affirma que « ce département n’a[vait*] de français […qu’un] professeur français et [des] élèves français ». En 1883, cette section de l’école normale prit le nom de département français et Belliveau en devint le directeur.
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	, the Acadian nationalist leader Abbé Marcel-François Richard* asserted, “This department is French [only in having a] French professor and [some] French students.” In 1883 this section of the Normal School became the French department and Belliveau became its head.

Biographie – TRUDEAU, P...

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de Toronto – qui, comme presque tous les journaux canadiens, s’était prononcé en faveur des conservateurs – déclara en éditorial que la victoire libérale était « une victoire personnelle » pour Trudeau, le résultat non pas de « la trudeaumanie, […] mais [du] travail, [de] l’effort et [de] l’énergie qu’il a[vait] mis dans sa campagne ».

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(Toronto), which, like nearly all Canadian newspapers, had supported the Conservatives, editorially declared the win “a personal victory” for Trudeau, a tribute not to “Trudeaumania,... but [to] the work, effort and energy that he put into his campaign.” Yet it correctly warned that Trudeau faced problems of “grave dimensions,” particularly “runaway inflation,” often referred to as stagflation, in which high unemployment was combined with historically high rates of inflation. The inflation was in part the product of the global energy crisis whose political reflection in Canada was the absence of Liberal seats in Alberta.

FR:Biography – CLARKE, ...

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Lorsque Dorchester revint à Québec en septembre 1793, Clarke fut heureux de partir (probablement en novembre) pour l’Angleterre où il n’avait passé qu’environ cinq mois durant les vingt années précédentes.

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The whirlwind end of session gave Clarke grounds for optimism: “The Canadian Members having, as they conceived, established their consequence” by demonstrating to the people that they could act together to control the assembly, and the British members having demonstrated moderation, “the invidious distinctions that at first appeared, had previous to the Prorogation, in great measure vanished; and . . . all the Members, New and Old Subjects, who remained in Town, dined together on the last day of the Session, and parted in the greatest harmony and good humour with each other.” Consequently, although the amount of legislation passed had been meagre, Clarke considered “that as much has been done as could reasonably be expected” and was confident that the experience acquired by the members of the assembly would enable them to act more effectively in future.

Biographie – LANGLEY, H...

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Langley disait que la résidence était « conçue dans le style d’architecture française moderne qui a[vait] largement été adopté dans les villes américaines et gagn[ait] rapidement de la faveur en Angleterre », énoncé qui indique que les architectes canadiens s’inspiraient de plus en plus de sources américaines.

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Langley’s concern for the status of the architectural profession is clear from his role in the creation of an architects’ association in Toronto in 1876. Within a year this had become the Canadian Institute of Architects, but it folded sometime after February 1878. In the following decade Langley was among the early members of the Architectural Guild of Toronto, founded in 1887. He also worked for the formation of the Ontario Association of Architects in 1889 and the endowment that year of a chair in architecture at the School of Practical Science on the University of Toronto campus. The standards he set in his practice inspired his students to take an equally active interest in the profession.

Biographie – WALKER, si...

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Sir Byron Edmund Walker prévenait les étudiants contre une erreur qu'il appelait « l'évaluation historique » ; ils ne devaient pas, selon lui, tenir quelqu'un en haute estime simplement « parce qu'il a[vait] accompli une œuvre importante pour son époque ».

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Walker admonished students to avoid committing “the historical estimate.” He said they should not hold a person in high regard simply “because he accomplished work important for his time”; however, someone whose deeds were “important for all time” was to be valued. Certain of his contemporaries considered Walker to be too powerful and overextended into areas they said he knew little about. He was sometimes seen as “arrogant, domineering, and pretentious.” But Walker simply trusted his own judgement and ability. Furthermore, he “had an extraordinary power of creating enthusiasm.” In retrospect, the worst his enemies could say about him was that he was “a strong man with a liking for his own way of doing things.” “Remember each day,” he told the Schoolmen’s Club, “that we shall be judged by our children according to the use we have made of the really vast opportunity which fortune has placed in our hands.” Clearly he accomplished much, in many fields, at several levels, and in lasting ways.

Biographie – LEW, DAVID...

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Son anglais était apparemment excellent. Un compte rendu dans un journal contemporain rapportait que « à l’entendre parler, on pou[vait] presque croire qu’il était né au Canada ». Les écrits de Lew révèlent un haut niveau d’aisance et à peine quelques erreurs de grammaire occasionnelles.

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Lew likely arrived in Canada when he was 13 or 14. The son of a prominent merchant, he attended public school in British Columbia, where he learned the English language and Canadian customs. His English was apparently excellent. One contemporary newspaper account noted that “to hear him talk one would almost imagine he was a born Canadian.” Lew’s own writings demonstrate a high degree of fluency with only occasional grammatical lapses.

Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...

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L’opinion de Lilly fut retenue, en 1843, par le comité judiciaire du Conseil privé qui établit, définitivement et avec autorité, la règle concernant les pouvoirs respectifs des assemblées coloniales : la chambre d’Assemblée de Terre-Neuve était « une législature locale dotée de tous les pouvoirs raisonnablement nécessaires à l’exercice convenable de ses attributions et obligations mais elle n’a[vait] pas ce qu’elle a[vait] cru à tort posséder, soit les mêmes privilèges exclusifs que conférait l’ancien droit de l’Angleterre à la chambre du parlement ».

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Despite his Presbyterian upbringing, Archibald, while still a young law clerk in Halifax, had recognized the social advantages of regular attendance at the Anglican St Paul’s Church. By 1840 he had become a pillar of the Anglican establishment in St John’s. The position he had now attained in the political and social community of Newfoundland moved him even closer to the centres of conservatism and weakened what little sympathy he had possessed for those who were, with increasing frequency, designated in his correspondence as “rads.” Nevertheless, he did not display that intransigent opposition to the idea of responsible government manifested by some of his colleagues, nor did the assembly ever come to regard him as one of its bitter enemies. Indeed, during the final negotiations of 1854 that led to responsible government, he joined with the Newfoundland colonial secretary, James Crowdy*, in urging and persuading the Council to accept the necessity of a representation bill which the Liberals in the House of Assembly, led by Philip Francis Little*, were determined to pass as the first act of the newly constituted legislature after responsible government.

Biographie – TURRIFF, J...

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En 1916, le gouvernement Borden était tellement rongé par la corruption et avait accumulé tant d’erreurs dans l’administration de l’effort de guerre que Turriff, comme bien d’autres libéraux, croyait que son parti prendrait le pouvoir s’il y avait des élections.

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Like many Liberals, Turriff by 1916 believed that corruption in the Borden government and its mismanagement of the war effort would result in a Liberal victory if an election was held. Unhappily, on 15 Sept. 1916 his son was killed in the battle of Courcelette; as he despondently told Sifton, “My chief hope in life is gone.” Perhaps this loss, as well as the changing circumstances of the war, turned Turriff in the summer of 1917 away from 30 years of loyalty to Laurier, instead to advocate conscription and coalition government. He rejected the Laurier solution of putting conscription to a referendum, believing that it would be beaten and that “there are times when the majority should not rule.” Yet his association with the Borden government and the Unionist Liberals in 1917 was reluctant. He did not think that naturalized “enemy aliens” should be deprived of the vote, nor did he agree with special concessions to farmers as a class in the matter of conscription, maintaining that the tribunals set up to adjudicate individual exemptions would recognize the importance of agricultural operations to the war effort.

FR:Biography – MOLSON, ...

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Déterminé à faire instruire ses enfants de façon aussi « poussée et convenable que le pays pou[vait] le permettre », son père était disposé à envoyer son fils en Grande-Bretagne pour qu’il termine ses études, mais il n’était pas question de consentir à un effort semblable pour ses filles, Anne et Elizabeth Sarah Badgley.

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Once her children were old enough to go to school, Anne had time to develop other interests. In 1864, initially pretending to act on behalf of a male acquaintance, she proposed to her good friend Principal John William Dawson of McGill College the donation of a medal. She gladly accepted his recommendation that it be offered to the best student in physics, mathematics, and physical science. She chose its design and, at her father’s insistence, it was called the Anne Molson Gold Medal. Perhaps the irony of honouring the best student at a university that did not admit women was not lost on her. Pressure began mounting in Montreal to have McGill open its doors to women. In the summer of 1870 Dawson and his wife, while visiting Britain, collected information on higher education for women. On their return they drafted a detailed proposal for an organization modelled on the Ladies’ Educational Association of Edinburgh. As a result, on 10 May 1871 many of the leading English-speaking female bourgeoisie met at Belmont Hall to form the Montreal Ladies’ Educational Association. All officers and members were to be women (except the treasurer, who had to be a man, and honorary male members); Anne was elected president and her husband treasurer.

Biographie – MORRISON, ...

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En 1900, à l’issue d’un engagement – il était alors sous le commandement du lieutenant-colonel François-Louis Lessard –, il figura parmi cinq Canadiens recommandés pour une décoration. La sienne devait récompenser « la compétence et le sang-froid avec lesquels il a[vait] manœuvré et finalement sauvé ses canons » au cours d’une retraite précipitée.

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Coincidentally, and very much in keeping with his personality, Morrison served as an artillery officer in Canada’s militia. He had joined the 4th Field Battery in Hamilton, as a second lieutenant, in May 1897 and then transferred to the 2nd Field Battery in Ottawa in 1898, with the rank of lieutenant. In 1899 he obtained a leave of absence from the Citizen to serve in South Africa, where he took part in operations in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony, and the Cape Colony. After one action in 1900, when he was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel François-Louis Lessard, he was among five Canadians to be recommended for a decoration, in his case “for the skill and coolness with which he worked and finally saved his guns” in a hasty retreat. He received the Distinguished Service Order the following year. Morrison described his experiences in a volume entitled With the guns in South Africa (1901), providing observations on food, the cold (which came as a surprise to Canadian troops), fellow officers such as Lieutenant John McCrae*, and the nature of operations, especially line of communication work, harassment by Boer commandos, and the occasional battle. The book is, in fact, an excellent source for those interested in the day-to-day life and work of an artillery battery in the South African War. Its last entry encapsulates the military ethos with which Morrison was imbued, reading simply that he had had “a nice time at the war.”

Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...

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Biographie – KEMP, sir ...

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Kemp s'attaqua aux problèmes en recommandant aux autres d'être patients et en déléguant des tâches aux hommes les plus compétents qu'il pouvait trouver. Jouer à la vedette comme Hughes – qui avait ainsi perdu tous ses appuis au Canada puis outre-mer – n'était pas son genre.

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Kemp turned to solving the problems, counselling patience, delegating duties to the ablest men he could find, and ending the one-man show that had been Hughes's downfall at home and then overseas. Dismayed as he was, he had some sympathy for Sir Sam and no time for recriminations. He reported that he had admonished a senior officer and bitter critic of Hughes to "have a little more regard for those whose honesty of purpose, although they may have made some mistakes, was no less sincere than his own." At the same time Kemp was creating a professional, efficient operation to implement the day-to-day administrative routine he had designed. For his service he was made a kcmg; announced in the king's New Year's honours of 1917, it was conferred on 13 Feb. 1917. The following month he announced a "Canadian Defence Force," to increase the militia ranks for home defence in order to free up troops for overseas service. The plan was largely a failure; "voluntary enlistment has about reached its limit," he confessed to Borden in April. Like many of his cabinet colleagues, he came to realize that conscription was inevitable.

Biographie – FIRTH, WIL...

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D’abord, Firth crut que non seulement il obtiendrait satisfaction mais aussi qu’il parviendrait à empêcher Gore – l’homme qui, disait-il à Baldwin, avait « assombri [ses] perspectives d’avenir » – de retourner dans le Haut-Canada.

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Firth was at first confident that he would not only win his demands but also prevent the return to Upper Canada of Gore, the man who, as he told Baldwin, had “clouded my prospects in life.” From his first memorial to the Colonial Office in January 1812 to the testimony that he volunteered against Gore in the libel suits later brought by Charles Burton Wyatt and Robert Thorpe, he identified the lieutenant governor as the deliberate and spiteful agent of his misfortunes. After Gore’s departure in October 1811 the Executive Council, which Firth denounced as “abandoned and inquisitory,” had added to his grievances. It twice refused, “under the very peculiar Circumstances in which Mr. Firth abandoned his Duties in this Province,” to pay the travel expenses of his last judicial circuit in Upper Canada. It did at length agree on 14 March 1812, following the opinion of the law officers in London, that he should receive the fees of office that Sewell had recommended in 1809. Beyond that, all he obtained was a ruling from the secretary of state, Lord Bathurst, that he was entitled to half his salary and fees from the date he left the province until 13 April 1812, when his removal from office was confirmed.

Biographie – SAVARY, CH...

Montrer texte Montrer source en cache Montrer URL avec texte source	(Montréal) allait même jusqu’à dire que durant ses quatre ans au Québec, Savary « a[vait] plus fait pour la jeune génération que deux siècles de Sulpiciens et de Jésuites ».
Comparer pages textes Comparer pages HTM Montrer URL avec texte source Montrer URL avec langue cible Définir biographi.ca comme domaine prioritaire	, a radical liberal paper in Montreal, even went so far as to claim that in his four years in Quebec Savary had “done more for the younger generation than two centuries of Sulpicians and Jesuits.”

Biographie – DULONGPRÉ,...

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, où il avisait le public qu’il était arrivé « recemment des Colonies où il a[vait] Cultivé l’art de Peindre les Portraits sous les meilleurs Académiciens [...] qu’il pei[gnait] la Miniature et le Pastelles ».

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stating that he had “lately arrived from the Colonies, where he has improved in the Art of Drawing under the best Academicians” and announcing that he would “paint in Miniature and in Crayons, Pastels.” It is astonishing that in less than one year Dulongpré had mastered his new profession and reached the degree of perfection that characterized his best productions. In addition to his natural gifts he must have possessed a solid artistic base, since he had already painted stage sets. It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that before going to the United States he had taken lessons from Beaucourt. Beaucourt, moreover, had just returned from a stay there and had been able to recommend good teachers.

Biographie – HOWSE, JOS...

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Quand, à l’automne de 1811, William Hemmings Cook, fonctionnaire de la Hudson’s Bay Company qui était responsable d’York Factory, écrivit à Joseph Colen à Cirencester, il affirma que Howse avait « exploré une contrée que jamais aucun Européen n’a[vait] foulée ».

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In no small part thanks to Bird’s prudent support, Howse reached Edmonton House by mid July 1811, the first HBC man to have followed the NWC into the land across the Rockies. The rewards were considerable: while the trading goods, stores, and wages for Howse’s expedition had come to £576, the furs brought back were valued at £1,500. In spite of Bird’s plans, however, and the HBC London committee’s hopes to continue this trade, the declared hostility of the Peigans proved effective: no further expeditions across the Rocky Mountains were undertaken by the HBC until after its merger with the NWC in 1821. But Howse, “adventurous, tough and intelligent,” had shown, as Edwin Ernest Rich has put it, that the HBC had men “who could rival the Nor’Westers in their ability to travel, to trade, and to manage Indians.”

Biographie – BURNS, PAT...

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Durant la dépression, il s'entêta à déclarer que son actif approchait toujours cette somme, malgré l'avertissement de ses comptables : « il faudrait s'occuper de constituer des réserves pour couvrir les pertes probables sur les dettes actives, en particulier celles qui se classent dans les avances en espèces, dont bon nombre nous semblent fort peu susceptibles d'être recouvrées ». Les comptables signalaient aussi que « rien n'a[vait] été fait en prévision du fléchissement probable de la valeur des investissements ».

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His other major financial headache in later years was the fall in his personal net worth. This decline resulted not just from the problems of the company. At the end of 1928, after the sale to Dominion Securities, Burns valued his holdings in stocks and property at $9,211,222.41. Over the course of the depression he stubbornly continued to declare his assets at close to this sum despite warnings from his accountants that "attention should be given to the setting up of reserves to provide for probable losses on Accounts Receivable, particularly those included in the Cash Advances, many of which appear to us to be very doubtful as to recovery." The accountants pointed out as well that "probable shrinkage in the value of investments has not been dealt with." After his death his estate was assessed at $3,833,413.34 - a vast sum for the times, but well short of his calculations. The decreasing value of his life's work must have haunted the senator during his declining years.

Biographie – THOMPSON, ...

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Charles Fothergill*, notait qu’elle « n’a[vait] guère manifesté d’inquiétude » durant l’enquête. Inculpée en vertu d’une loi de 1624 (21 Jacques I, chap. 27), elle subit son procès le 17 octobre 1823 devant le juge en chef William Dummer Powell.

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On 18 October Thompson petitioned Maitland for clemency. Unlike Pilotte, she did not plead innocence. She admitted that she had been “fairly and patiently tried with every Opportunity of Defence.” However, she claimed that she had failed to present the “real situation” to the jury. She now declared that her labour had been “unexpected” and that “in the pains and anguish of child-birth . . . her unfortunate Offspring met it’s untimely end, and that it’s death was not the consequence of any premeditated design to conceal her shame, any predisposition to commit a Deed so foul, any felonious violence by the arm of an unnatural Mother.” She appealed to Maitland’s “known clemency” to “save her from that pending death she is so little prepared to meet.” Two days later her father, who had spoken to Powell personally on the night of the conviction, uttered a plea for his “wretched Child . . . so lately the hope of an affectionate parents future happiness, [who] by one false step productive of Shame is doomed to die an ignominious death.” Making no claim for her innocence, he simply urged that “the spirit of holy feeling and charity” be extended to his daughter as it had been to others.

Biographie – DALRYMPLE,...

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Convaincu que « l’une des meilleures causes a[vait] été gâchée par la violence et l’ignorance des prétendus amis de celle-ci », Dalrymple s’éloigna de ses électeurs et perdit son siège aux élections de novembre 1838.

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Although, while acting as agent for the Greenwich estate in 1830, he had threatened to use “coercive measures” to collect unpaid rents, he maintained a moderate and constitutional approach to reform and escheat which was legitimately consistent with his role as a friend to improvement. When Cooper’s methods had been tried and failed, Dalrymple may have gained a measure of satisfaction from observing the moderate and dogged pace of the new age of Island Reformers led by George Coles*.

Biographie – ANSPACH, L...

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Un groupe de citoyens de Harbour Grace avait demandé la nomination d’un certain M. Dingle, qui était probablement de tendance méthodiste, mais la Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ne tini pas compte de leur proposition et nomma Anspach.

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The SPG, disregarding a request from some inhabitants of Harbour Grace for the appointment of a Mr Dingle, presumably inclined to Methodism, appointed Anspach. Encouraged by Harries, he had applied, urging his “strict conformity with the Church which has honoured him by receiving him as a Minister.” In the populous area of Conception Bay he busied himself as a missionary for the next ten years, and built schools at Harbour Grace, Bay Roberts, and Brigus. Since the time of Laurence Coughlan* the mission had been bitterly divided and the work of the church hindered by frequent squabbles between Methodist and Anglican. Under Anspach this situation eased and by 1810 he was exulting that “the sectarian spirit has in a very considerable degree given way to the spirit of unity, and there is no other Protestant Place of Worship.” Because of his own very Protestant background, he may have appealed to a wider spectrum of belief than did more orthodox Anglican missionaries, and unlike most of them he did not complain of lack of local financial support. He could not “speak too highly of the kindness” he received “from every class of inhabitants . . . and of their attention to religious duties.”

Biographie – BIDWELL, B...

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Ainsi, dans le curieux sermon prononcé à ses funérailles, le révérend J. Smith se sentit obligé de faire observer que, « malgré ce qu’on a[vait] pu dire de sa manière de réaliser ses idées, personne ne [pouvait] prétendre que celles-ci n’étaient pas des plus libérales et qu’elles ne visaient pas le bien de tous ».

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.” The emphasis is Walker’s and his exception is a most important one; for the politics of conciliation were anathema to Bidwell. Partly for this reason, no reform politician in Upper Canada ever inspired as much political hatred as did he. Even his friends sometimes had reservations about the political means he employed. In a curious sermon preached at his funeral, for example, the Reverend J. Smith felt obliged to observe that, “whatever may be said of his mode of accomplishing his intentions, none will say that these were not of a most liberal description, and designed for the general good.” Bidwell having departed this world of party conflict, Smith added, perhaps he “may have already viewed many transactions in a different light, and weighed his own and others conduct and motives in a different balance than he formerly did.”

Biographie – BEASLEY, R...

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En octobre, dans une adresse au lieutenant-gouverneur sir Peregrine Maitland*, Beasley, qu’on avait chargé à titre de commissaire, pendant la guerre, d’enquêter sur les cas de haute trahison, minimisa la nécessité de souligner l’évidente loyauté d’une population « qui, trois années durant, a[vait] résisté, dans le seul but de maintenir la souveraineté britannique, à tous les assauts d’un ennemi insidieux, audacieux et puissant ».

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In an address to Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland* in October Beasley, who had been a high treason commissioner during the war, played down the need for stressing the obvious loyalty of a people “who, for three years, withstood every assault of an insidious, a daring and powerful enemy, merely for the maintenance of British Sovereignty.” At issue, rather, was the colonial administration of the past 20 years which, “with little exception, only gave experience of disappointment.” He looked “forward to more cheering times”; discontent, however, was real and “serious causes must exist for such agitations.” Beasley went beyond the traditional call for redress of grievances. He wanted an imperial inquiry into the state of the province, a task for which the provincial House of Assembly “is not, indeed, competent.” The seventh parliament had so far ignored matters “of vital import.” Maitland’s predecessor, Francis Gore*, had “by arbitrary acts . . . thwarted the laws of the land” and presented “just grounds for [his] peachment.” Robert Nichol*’s comprehensive resolutions in 1817 attacking Gore’s administration though “excellent” had been made too late. The province suffered from the “maladministration of good laws,” a check in its prosperity, and “discontent and poverty under the most genial clime, and rooted in the most fertile soil.” Fearing a renewal of hostilities with the United States and possible separation from Great Britain, he urged Maitland to forward the York convention’s address to the Prince Regent. The conventionists, however, had gone too far and the so-called Gagging Bill to limit such proceedings was passed on 31 October with only one dissentient vote.

Biographie – JACKSON, J...

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De retour en Angleterre au début de l’été de 1807, Jackson écrivit le 5 septembre à lord Castlereagh, secrétaire d’État aux Colonies, une lettre « concernant quelques-uns [des] griefs » qu’il avait entendus dans le Haut-Canada.

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By early summer 1807 Jackson was back in England and on 5 September he wrote to Colonial Secretary Lord Castlereagh “relating a few of those grievances” which he had found in Upper Canada. Gore had feared such an eventuality and later explained to his superiors that Jackson’s “hostility . . arose from his being refused a quantity of Land, on account of his improper conduct.” In fact, it had been on 24 Jan. 1807, four months after Jackson’s application, that Gore first notified the colonial secretary that Jackson might apply for land. When Jackson left, the council rejected his petition because he was absent from the province.

Biographie – ANSPACH, L...

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Biographie – TRUDEAU, P...

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En 1978, le journaliste George Radwanski avait publié une biographie de Trudeau à partir de longs entretiens qui laissaient croire que le premier ministre avait commencé à songer à sa place dans l’histoire.

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In 1978 journalist George Radwanski had published a biography of Trudeau based upon extensive interviews that suggested the prime minister had begun to consider his own place in history. Although Trudeau was not yet a great leader, he concluded, he had “governed intelligently in a difficult time.” He was “not a failed prime minister but an unfulfilled one.” Trudeau probably agreed. He had told the American ambassador, Thomas Ostrom Enders, in August 1976 that his government had not been able to solve the constitutional problem or deal with the “great wastefulness” of the 1970s. Worst of all, it had not vanquished separatism. Enders, one of the finest American ambassadors, shrewdly noted that Trudeau was “convinced of his vision but [was] trying to govern by fiat rather than his very considerable skills as a practical politician.” It had not worked. In early June 1979 Trudeau seemed at ease as he left 24 Sussex Drive in his elegant albeit ancient Mercedes-Benz 300SL and prepared for a life as a single father without the burdens of the prime minister’s office. On 21 November he announced his resignation as leader of the party, telling members of the press that “I’m kind of sorry I won’t have you to kick around any more.” They applauded.

Biographie – BEASLEY, R...

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Biographie – MAGILL, RO...

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Magill expliqua à Foster que, à titre de président de l’organisme, il « [se] trouv[ait] souvent en conflit avec ceux-là mêmes qui [lui] vers[aient] le salaire dont [il] vi[vait] à titre de secrétaire de la Bourse ».

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Until the end of its term in 1919 the BGS regulated wheat prices and directed wheat distribution and export. Magill explained to Foster that his role as chairman of the BGS “frequently puts me in a position of antagonism with men who are paying me the salary on which I live as secretary of the exchange.” He submitted his resignation as chairman in October 1918, but Foster as well as the executive council of the exchange persuaded him to stay on. The Winnipeg grain men, in particular, were fearful of what might happen if a leader of the farm movement was elevated to the BGS’s chairmanship. Reluctantly, Magill agreed to remain in his government position, but he worked as well to gain support for the reopening of the wheat market. His efforts were especially evident during his role as the exchange’s representative at the Canadian trade mission in London in December 1918. The government did create a wheat board for the crop of 1919–20, but allowed the open market to operate again the following year.

Biographie – LOFT, FRED...

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de Toronto rappellerait dans sa nécrologie que, avant et après la création de la ligue, « il a[vait] voyagé presque continuellement durant des années, réglant des conflits entre trappeurs, faisant appel à des fonctionnaires d'Ottawa afin d'obtenir justice pour ses clients, aidant les anciens combattants indiens admissibles à une pension après la guerre ».

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Loft's stance on enfranchisement reveals him as a moderate, anxious for his people to enter into the larger society around them. In contrast, Levi General [Deskaheh*], a Cayuga chief in the Six Nations Council and a member of the Longhouse community, did not want the Iroquois to join the dominant society. Instead, he worked to secure international acceptance of the Six Nations as a sovereign entity. His agitation greatly upset Loft. In a letter of 18 Dec. 1922 on the sovereignty question to William Lyon Mackenzie King*, the new Liberal prime minister, he emphasized that he saw the Six Nations as subjects of His Majesty, "in no degree differing from the acknowledged and accepted status of other Indians of Canada." The Cayuga chief, Loft stated pointedly, "holds no mandate from the people of the Six Nations to warrant his actions."

Biographie – CARVELL, F...

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Ils dirent à Borden que Carvell s’associerait au gouvernement de coalition uniquement pour « en causer le naufrage », qu’il ne pouvait même pas obtenir l’appui des conservateurs de sa circonscription et que ce changement serait « suicidaire » pour le parti dans la province.

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As the Liberal party quarrelled and split over the issue, Borden approached Carvell about crossing the floor. Carvell refused. In late September 1917 he helped Laurier with a plan for what Laurier would do about conscription if he won the forthcoming election. Then, suddenly, Conservatives were awash in rumours that Laurier was going to resign and that Carvell would become the new leader of the Liberal party and join the Union government. New Brunswick Tories were appalled. They told Borden that Carvell would join the Union government only to “wreck it,” that he could not command the support of Conservatives in his own constituency, and that the move would be “suicidal” for the party in the province. For his part, Laurier did not resign, but Carvell did join the Union government as minister of public works on 13 October. Borden told a New Brunswick Tory that “Carvell has been altogether too bitter in his political warfare” but “now that he has come in he comes in whole-heartedly.” Laurier confessed that “Carvell is more and more an enigma for me.”

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