vait – Übersetzung – Keybot-Wörterbuch

Spacer TTN Translation Network TTN TTN Login Français English Spacer Help
Ausgangssprachen Zielsprachen
Keybot 310 Ergebnisse  www.biographi.ca  Seite 8
  FR:Biography – MALLORY,...  
d’York, un entrefilet signalait à propos de Mallory qu’il « a[vait] depuis figuré dans les journaux de son pays comme un expert dans l’art d’employer les biens d’autrui à son propre usage, ce pour quoi on lui a[vait] accordé des appartements dans une prison d’État ».
reported that he “has since figured in the Newspapers of his country as an adept in the art of converting the property of others to his own use, for which accomplishment he has been honoured with lodgings in a State Prison.” A letter of 28 March 1832 in the
  FR:Biography – MALLORY,...  
d’York, un entrefilet signalait à propos de Mallory qu’il « a[vait] depuis figuré dans les journaux de son pays comme un expert dans l’art d’employer les biens d’autrui à son propre usage, ce pour quoi on lui a[vait] accordé des appartements dans une prison d’État ».
reported that he “has since figured in the Newspapers of his country as an adept in the art of converting the property of others to his own use, for which accomplishment he has been honoured with lodgings in a State Prison.” A letter of 28 March 1832 in the
  Biographie – McBRIDE, s...  
Le 15 décembre 1915, jour de ses 45 ans, McBride annonça sa démission et fut remplacé au poste de premier ministre par Bowser. La presse de l’opposition se plaignit que « l’ancien pilote n’a[vait] pas conduit son vaisseau jusqu’à bon port ».
On his 45th birthday, 15 Dec. 1915, McBride announced his resignation and was replaced as premier by Bowser. The opposition press complained that “the late pilot has not guided his vessel to an untroubled anchorage”; Conservative papers declared he “typified the progressive, democratic spirit of this new land” while admitting he was not “without some blemishes.” Friends and foes agreed he had “a thorough knowledge of this province, . . . an attractive personality, is uniformly courteous and has an enviable gift for making friends.” Indeed, affability was a key to Richard McBride’s political successes. His tall, well-built frame, topped by a curly head of hair that was sprinkled with grey when he first took office but soon turned pure white, led one writer to suggest “no man could be as wise as McBride looked.” Though he appeared robust, his health often failed him after strenuous activities such as election campaigns.
  Biographie – MILLS, WIL...  
En octobre, l’archidiacre Thomas Bedford-Jones, partisan déclaré de la Haute Église, écrivit à son ami Albert Spencer, secrétaire du synode de l’Ontario, à propos de la visite de Mills à Brockville. Bedford-Jones déclara que la visite avait été « très satisfaisante, sauf peut-être en ceci qu[e Mills] a[vait] refusé de prendre part à une célébration quelconque » de l’Eucharistie.
Mills was not an advocate of frequent synodical meetings, at the diocesan, provincial, or national level. He did attend the tercentenary of the Anglican church in the United States, celebrated in Richmond, Va, in 1907, and the Pan-Anglican Congress in London the following year. But unlike Lewis, he made no regular fund-raising trips to England. He attempted in 1902 to reorganize the chapter of St George’s Cathedral, so that every archdeacon and canon should be a week in residence at the cathedral each year, but the practice lapsed. He had no opportunity to teach in an Anglican college in his diocese, since Lewis’s plan for a seminary in Belleville had failed. However, two Anglican schools flourished, St Alban’s for boys (established 1901) in Brockville and St Agnes’ for girls (1903) in Belleville. The bishop supported the teaching of religion in the public school system, but for separate denominations, declaring, “This dominion is made up of peoples of diverse races and religions.” He promoted the special claim of Trinity College, Toronto, as the Anglican university of the province.
  Biographie – ALDERSON, ...  
En janvier 1916, à un poste de secours canadien, quelqu'un nota dans son journal intime que l'« infatigable » Alderson était un « petit homme aimable » et qu'il « a[vait] parlé aux patients un à un, en ayant pour chacun une question gentille ou une plaisanterie ».
“He was an Englishman of a fine type,” claimed the Times, “and the affection which he inspired in all who knew him was great.” In two wars, Canadians able to appreciate an energetic, conscientious English officer could echo that affection. At a Canadian dressing station in January 1916, a diarist described the “indefatigable” Alderson as a “kind, gentle, little man” who “spoke to the patients one by one, with a pleasant enquiry or a bit of banter for each.” A decent, honourable, unimaginative man, he had been more faithful to the interests of Canadian soldiers than their own minister. “Canadian politics,” Alderson had confessed to his friend Hutton in 1915, “have been too strong for all of us.” They ended his career.
  FR:Biography – MUNRO, H...  
Dans sa propriété, Somerset Vale, il avait, disait-on, « une ferme aménagée avec art et cultivée avec talent, qui telle une oasis souri[ait] aux forêts sur lesquelles elle a[vait] été gagnée par des années d’infatigable labeur ».
, smiles upon the wilderness, from which years of unremitting industry have reclaimed it.” In 1825 he was a member of the committee appointed by the assembly to consider ways of improving agriculture and promoting immigration; it recommended the creation of the New-Brunswick Agricultural and Emigrant Society. Active in this association until it ceased to exist, Munro sat on its central committee from 1828 to 1830. He was also the organizer and first president of the Gloucester County society, formed in 1828.
  Biographie – HANNAY, JA...  
En tant qu’historien, par contre, il ne fut, comme Raymond s’en plaignait à William Francis Ganong*, qu’un « écrivassier » – un « Écossais têtu comme une mule [qui... abordait] un sujet dans le but d’étayer les opinions qu’il a[vait] exprimées précédemment plutôt que dans l’esprit d’un honnête chercheur ».
As a journalist Hannay was the most prolific popularizer of New Brunswick history in his time. As an historian, however, he was, as Raymond complained to William Francis Ganong*, a “hack writer” – a “pig-headed scotchman [who] . . . will pursue the subject rather with the design of bolstering his previously expressed opinions than in the spirit of a candid enquirer.” It fell to Raymond and Ganong to lead New Brunswick historical writing out of journalism and into sober professionalism, a process which would render James Hannay’s energetic scribblings all but forgotten.
  Biographie – ADHÉMAR, J...  
À Londres, l’ex-jésuite Pierre-Joseph-Antoine Roubaud, qu’on peut soupçonner d’avoir voulu remplacer Adhémar comme délégué, relata que celui-ci « vi[vait] tranquillement et en homme obscur dans son auberge, connu de peu, visité par personne ».
Adhémar and De Lisle remained optimistic, however, when they learned that Haldimand, whom they held responsible for their failure, was going to be replaced by Carleton. Adhémar decided to remain in London for another year, whilst De Lisle returned to Canada to report. Both of them asked Briand to support Adhémar publicly, in order to give his mission a more official character. Briand was anxious to remain discreet, but he wrote to Carleton on 30 June 1784 that although he could not publicly approve a mission he considered “hasty and somewhat ill-humoured,” he was in agreement with the idea of bringing French priests to Canada, and he asked Carleton to use his influence in support of Adhémar. On 5 November Briand sent Adhémar a letter of encouragement and even permission to write an address in the clergy’s name, provided that he did not implicate the church in any political mission.
  Biographie – KEMP, sir ...  
En novembre, Hughes était dans une position encore plus précaire : il avait continué d'agir au mépris des instructions de Borden, et la confusion régnait dans l'administration militaire du Corps expéditionnaire canadien à Londres.
In November, Hughes was in deeper trouble still over the confused military administration of the Canadian Expeditionary Force in London and his defiance of Borden's instructions. The prime minister demanded his resignation and called on Kemp to put the Department of Militia and Defence back in order; he became minister on 23 November. In a private note on 5 Jan. 1917 to Sir George Halsey Perley*, another trusted lieutenant, who had gone to London as high commissioner and was now minister of overseas military forces, Kemp confessed that he found the department in a "remarkable condition of affairs" and that the "adjustment of nearly every difficult decision had been postponed and the stream was blocked."
  Biographie – MITCHELL, ...  
Dans son rapport de 1888, il disait espérer que « l’achèvement rapide de certaines sections importantes [du] réseau ferroviaire [de la province] faciliterait l’accès aux marchés de la République voisine ». Un an plus tard, il estimait que « le relèvement général du marché britannique du bois a[vait] insufflé une vie nouvelle » au commerce de cette marchandise.
James Mitchell seems to have made few political enemies. Although a political protégé of the partisan Blair, he was a capable administrator who came to know his province through personal travel and close observation. In an age when railway patronage was rampant, Mitchell emerged with his hands clean and his reputation intact. A lifelong Conservative, he none the less threw his weight behind the man who created New Brunswick’s Liberal party. He was one of the last unaligned politicians in an arena where party lines were becoming firmly fixed.
  Biographie – ZHEEWEGONA...  
Au cours de l’été de 1784, James Sutherland*, de la Hudson’s Bay Company, qui faisait de l’exploration à l’ouest de Gloucester House, rencontra les capitaines Zheewegonab et Cannematchie (peut-être le frère de Zheewegonab) et leurs bandes, soit 15 hommes, plus les femmes et les enfants, qui campaient au lac Pashkokogan, tout juste au sud-est du lac Saint-Joseph. Zheewegonab raconta à Sutherland qu’à la fin de l’été de 1783, ayant trouvé Gloucester House désert, il avait jeté ses fourrures.
During the summer of 1784 James Sutherland* of the HBC, exploring west of Gloucester House, met captains Zheewegonab and Cannematchie (possibly Zheewegonab’s brother) and their bands, totalling 15 men plus women and children, camped at Pashkokogan Lake just southeast of Lake St Joseph. Zheewegonab told Sutherland that late in the summer of 1783, upon finding Gloucester deserted, he had thrown his furs away. That winter he apparently traded his catch to the men from Montreal. Sutherland made a speech to the Indians to attract them back to Gloucester, and then smoked the sacred calumet with them, aware that “none but he who is or intends to be your real friend will smoak the great Pipe.” The Indians held a dance and a feast involving the eating of a dog. Sutherland’s guide and Zheewegonab then exchanged guns, gift exchanges being important in establishing alliances.
  FR:Biography – DUN, JOH...  
Les raisons de ce geste ne sont pas connues avec certitude ; pourtant, dans une requête du 28 décembre 1796, pour obtenir une nouvelle concession, il faisait état de sa démission « devant certaines circonstances décourageantes » et affirmait qu’il « profess[ait] la religion chrétienne et l’obéissance aux lois et a[vait] vécu dans ce pays sans offenser qui que ce [fût] ».
Dun had not married and died intestate, leaving his creditors to petition for administration of his estate. Robert Hamilton and Dun’s principal creditors, Patrick Robertson and Company of Montreal, to whom he owed at least £1,400, sought control from Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter. The decision was made in favour of the Robertson company’s authorized local agents, the Niagara merchant John MacKay and Samuel Hatt*, brother of Richard.
  FR:Biography – TRUSCOTT...  
que « la Truscott & Co. a[vait] fait faillite pour de bon ». En février 1838, la chambre d’Assemblée du Haut-Canada estima que les billets impayés par l’Agricultural Bank s’élevaient à 20 000 $ ; les déposants ne reçurent pas un sou.
AO, MS 78, Stanton to Macaulay, 18 March 1835; Cozens to Macaulay, 18 March 1835; Macaulay to Ann Macaulay, 14 April 1837; RG 1, A-I-6, 14; A-II-2, 1: 287. Devon Record Office (Exeter, Eng.), St David parish, Exeter, reg. of marriages, 29 Nov. 1820. Erie County Surrogate’s Court (Buffalo, N.Y.), will of George Truscott. PAC, MG 24, E1, 9: 1038–41; MG 30, D101, 2–4; RG 1, L3, 502: T18/16; RG 5, A1: 70797–800, 73499–503, 78719–20, 79494–96, 82370–72, 82674–84, 123472–74. PRO, ADM 107/31: 176. St James’ Church (Church of England) (Teignmouth, Eng.), West Teignmouth, reg. of baptisms, 7 June 1785 (transcript at Devon Record Office).
  Biographie – McBRIDE, s...  
Le 15 décembre 1915, jour de ses 45 ans, McBride annonça sa démission et fut remplacé au poste de premier ministre par Bowser. La presse de l’opposition se plaignit que « l’ancien pilote n’a[vait] pas conduit son vaisseau jusqu’à bon port ».
On his 45th birthday, 15 Dec. 1915, McBride announced his resignation and was replaced as premier by Bowser. The opposition press complained that “the late pilot has not guided his vessel to an untroubled anchorage”; Conservative papers declared he “typified the progressive, democratic spirit of this new land” while admitting he was not “without some blemishes.” Friends and foes agreed he had “a thorough knowledge of this province, . . . an attractive personality, is uniformly courteous and has an enviable gift for making friends.” Indeed, affability was a key to Richard McBride’s political successes. His tall, well-built frame, topped by a curly head of hair that was sprinkled with grey when he first took office but soon turned pure white, led one writer to suggest “no man could be as wise as McBride looked.” Though he appeared robust, his health often failed him after strenuous activities such as election campaigns.
  Biographie – O’BRIEN, J...  
, dirigé par Robert John Parsons*, qui considérait cette procédure comme un abus d’autorité sans précédent contre un homme qui, « à force de travail assidu, a[vait] réussi à défricher quinze des quelque cinquante acres de terre inculte que la couronne [lui avait accordées] [tout en] élev[ant] une famille nombreuse, prévoyant qu’ [...] il pourrait leur léguer [cette terre] comme le produit d’une vie de labeur et de misère ».
of Robert John Parsons*, who regarded the proceedings as an unparalleled piece of oppression against one who “by dint of persevering toil has succeeded in clearing fifteen out of some fifty acres of wild land from the Crown and has reared a large family during the process – calculating that . . . he could bequeath it to them as the produce of a life of labour and penury.” Apparently nobody bid on the farm and O’Brien retained possession.
  FR:Biography – STROBRID...  
La ténacité avec laquelle James Gordon Strobridge avait mené sa croisade pour obtenir un paiement équitable se retrouvait aussi dans son travail comme ingénieur. En 1826, les flots déchaînés du lac Ontario menacèrent de démolir le brise-lames en construction, et Strobridge, l’air résolu, constata que les caissons avaient été placés assez profondément pour résister aux coups.
The tenacity which James Strobridge brought to his crusade for just payment was also reflected in his work as an engineer. When in 1826 a hostile Lake Ontario threatened to smash the unfinished breakwater, Strobridge, watching grimly, saw that the caissons had been sunk deep enough to withstand the pounding. Francis Hall observed that “every part thereof, has been so severely tested, that the practicability of the measure and permanence of the works even in their unfinished state is now beyond doubt.”
  Biographie – ROE, HENRY...  
Les Roe avaient grandi au sein de l’Église d’Angleterre et, comme Henry le rappela plus tard, il était « en quelque sorte convenu (comment, [il] ne le sa[vait] pas) » qu’il serait ordonné ministre du culte.
Henry Roe’s early home life was unsettled. His family moved from Henryville to Dorchester (Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu) and then to Christieville (Iberville). Two brothers had died as infants before he was born; when he was four his mother and younger brother died; three years later his younger sister died. A few months afterwards, the rebellion of 1837 broke out. The family feared assassination because of the father’s loyalist views, so Henry was sent to live with an aunt in Vermont. In 1842, three years after his return, his father died in a boating accident on the Rivière Richelieu. Destitute, the six surviving Roe children kept house together in Montreal for a year and a half, and then went their separate ways. Henry, now 14, entered McGill College and lived in residence, having won a competition for a scholarship founded by Charles William Grant, Baron de Longueuil.
  FR:Biography – RYAN, JO...  
En 1847, Withers notait qu’il avait, avec Ryan, « détenu le titre d’imprimeur de la reine pendant les 15 dernières années, période durant laquelle (les infirmités de la vieillesse ayant empêché M. Ryan d’être de quelque secours) [il] a[vait] assumé seul les devoirs de cette charge ».
. It is apparent that Ryan’s active participation in the printing business had ended by 1832. Writing in 1847, Withers noted that he had, jointly with Ryan, “held the appointment of Queen’s Printer for the last 15 years, – during which period, (the infirmities of advanced age having prevented Mr. Ryan from assisting therein in any manner) the duties of the office have solely devolved upon me.” Ryan died in 1847 “after a protracted and painful illness.”
  Biographie – DES VŒUX, ...  
Lorsqu’il quitta St John’s, sir Robert Herbert, du ministère des Colonies, écrivit qu’« il a[vait] remarquablement réussi à gagner la confiance et les bonnes grâces des ministres et de la population ».
Never afraid to speak his mind or to take an independent line, Des Vœux proved, in difficult circumstances, to be one of Newfoundland’s better governors. As Sir Robert Herbert of the Colonial Office wrote when Des Vœux left the colony, it was to his credit that “he has succeeded in a remarkable degree in obtaining the confidence and goodwill of ministers and people.”
  FR:Biography – LANGEVIN...  
Dès 1839, avec le consentement de Signay, Langevin employa le revenu des terres appartenant à l’archevêque pour payer la pension des étudiants, « dans l’espérance d’en faire [des] ecclésiastique [s] pour ce pauvre diocèse [...] qui en a[vait] tant besoin ».
In the field of education Langevin stood out as a leader. He encouraged the setting up of primary schools and bolstered the dedication of itinerant teachers. But his zeal was especially evident in the assistance he gave to the young men of the Madawaska area to enable them to pursue their studies at college, particularly at the Collège de Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière. From 1839 Langevin, with Signay’s permission, used the income from the lands belonging to the archbishop to pay the students’ board, “in the hope of making ecclesiastics of them for this poor diocese . . . which needs them so badly.” Part of his own income was put to the same purpose. Between 1855 and 1857 he gave the college donations totalling £2,000 for bursaries that are still offered. The college inherited his estate, estimated to be worth £3,079.
  FR:Biography – PLANTÉ, ...  
Son ami intime, Pierre-Stanislas Bédard, devait faire remarquer que « les soucis et les inquiétudes qu’il a[vait] pris dans les affaires et dont [il avait] été témoin [avaient] bien contribué [...] à affoiblir sa force physique. C’était une belle âme dans un corps frêle. »
Planté died suddenly on 13 Feb. 1826. His close friend, Pierre-Stanislas Bédard, was to observe that “the cares and anxieties which he assumed in [all his] affairs and of which I have been a witness certainly contributed . . . to weakening him physically. He was a noble soul in a frail body.”
  Biographie – HESPELER, ...  
Décédé quelques mois plus tard, cet homme qui, rappelait sa nécrologie, « a[vait] déjà été si important dans la vie de la province » fut inhumé au cimetière anglican St John à Winnipeg, parmi les pionniers de la ville.
In his final months, after the death of his third wife in 1920, Hespeler moved to Vancouver to be with his son, Alfred. He died there and was buried in St John’s Anglican cemetery in Winnipeg, among the city’s pioneers. His obituary remembered him as a man “who was at one time so foremost in the life of the province.”
  Biographie – TURRIFF, J...  
Au cours de ses premières années aux Communes, il fut souvent appelé à défendre son bilan, et celui de Sifton, en matière d’administration des terres du dominion. En 1907, après l’une de ses interventions, même le chef de l’opposition, Robert Laird Borden*, admit qu’« il a[vait] présenté une défense très solide ».
In parliament Turriff never was a prominent leader, but he was an able and active mp and senator. In his early years in the House of Commons he was called upon repeatedly to defend his record, and that of Sifton, with respect to the administration of dominion lands. Even opposition leader Robert Laird Borden* commented after one of Turriff’s speeches in 1907 that “he has made a very strong defence.”
  Biographie – WATSON, AL...  
Cet ouvrage paru en 1923 ne suscita pas des commentaires aussi élogieux de la part de tous les critiques, mais Edwin John Pratt* souligna que le « travail d'interprétation a[vait] été accompli avec intuition et finesse ».
series, on the poet Robert Winkworth Norwood* (1923). Though all reviewers were not so positive, Edwin John Pratt* wrote that the "task of interpretation has been accomplished with insight and refinement." Watson had also collaborated with Pierce in compiling the noted anthology
  Biographie – BUTLER, MA...  
Sa mère le rejoignit et habita avec lui jusqu’à sa mort en 1895. Plus tard la même année, Butler épousa Margaret McLean, qui avait une fille de dix ans, Lilian. Un fils, Albert Martin, naquit le 26 mai 1897.
In his later years Butler remained a familiar figure in the streets of Fredericton, a large bearded man in a long coat pulling his cart through the streets with his newspapers, the friend and protector of small boys throughout the city. He continued to peddle copies of his books, which carried testimonials describing him as “an honest, industrious, temperate and law-abiding citizen” and a worthy subject for “sympathetic, humane and Christian consideration.” Shortly after the outbreak of World War 1, in an editorial entitled “The failure of Christianity,” Butler again voiced his faith in socialism: “The only thoroughly unselfish organization that practices as well as preaches freedom, justice, brotherly love, grace, mercy, and peace, is the Socialist organization.” A few months later
  Biographie – NORTON, JO...  
On ignore à quelle date naquit John Norton. Son père appartenait à la nation cherokee et avait, dit-on, été « sauvé, enfant, de Kuwoki, quand ce village a[vait] été incendié par les Anglais ». Sa mère vivait probablement près de Dunfermline, en Écosse, à la naissance de John.
The date of John Norton’s birth is not known. His father had come from the Cherokee nation, “having been taken, a boy, from Kuwoki, when that village was burnt by the English,” according to one report. His mother was an Anderson who was probably living near Dunfermline, Scotland, when their son John was born. It is also probable that the son received his education in a good school in Dunfermline, and in a print shop, perhaps his father’s. The letters, speeches, and journal which John composed later show that he had had good training in the writing of English.
  Biographie – CHIPMAN, W...  
Rien ne permet d’affirmer avec certitude que le ressentiment contre « une famille qui a[vait] toujours monopolisé le plus important poste du comté » ait été général mais le fait qu’on l’ait mentionné est un indice significatif de l’influence qu’avait la famille Chipman.
William Henry Chipman, with his numerous political offices and wide business interests, in many respects represented the height of the Chipman family influence in Kings County. Some of his children followed distinguished careers in the medical and political professions, but the dominant role of the Chipman family in Kings County was largely at an end.
  Biographie – LINDALA, J...  
se demanda comment « un obscur tailleur socialiste d’origine étrangère a[vait] pu récolter plus de huit mille voix [... en se présentant] contre un barrister irréprochable ». Dans son programme, Lindala avait prôné l’abolition de l’« esclavage du salariat » et la propriété collective des terres et de la machinerie, mais son succès semble avoir été attribuable en grande partie au mécontentement des électeurs.
, for instance, wondered how “an unknown Socialist tailor of foreign birth should poll over eight thousand votes . . . against a barrister of irreproachable character.” Lindala’s platform had advocated the abolition of “wage slavery” and urged collective ownership of lands and machinery, but his strong showing seems to have been largely due to a high protest vote. The socialists were nevertheless elated both with the results and with the publicity surrounding the campaign, in which, the
  Biographie – HOPKINS, J...  
Hopkins n'avait pas une « constitution robuste », mais il avait la plume facile et ne se laissait pas aisément déconcentrer. De confession anglicane, il ne se maria qu'en 1906. (Annie Beatrice Mary Bonner, catholique, était deux fois plus jeune que lui.)
Hopkins did not possess a "hardy physique" but he was a fast writer, one who allowed few distractions. An Anglican, he did not marry until 1906 (Annie Bonner, a Roman Catholic, was half his age). According to one biographer, his "life was one of great nervous activity" and "his literary output was probably larger than any other publicist in the Dominion." In a writing career that spanned three decades, he produced some 40 books and pamphlets, wrote extensively for newspapers, journals, and other publications in Canada and abroad, and coordinated and edited a number of series, including the first encyclopedia on Canada. Produced in six volumes between 1898 and 1900, this work, a good deal of it prepared by Hopkins himself, was meant to document authoritatively Canada's past and present; Canada "requires only to be known in order to be great," he wrote. In addition, each year between 1901 and 1923 he edited and wrote much of the ambitiously conceived, massively detailed, and still widely consulted
  FR:Biography – JONES, S...  
Les perspectives immédiates n’étaient guère reluisantes pour Jones. En 1783, peu avant de s’installer sur sa terre, il avait tenté sans succès d’exploiter une entreprise commerciale avec son frère Daniel.
His immediate prospects were not encouraging. In 1783, shortly before going to settle on his land, he had terminated a joint business venture which he had tried with his brother Daniel, though to no success. In 1784 he petitioned Governor Frederick Haldimand*, noting that the province was “over run with Gentlemen of your Memoralists profession . . . and the small pay your Memoralist had during his seven years’ servitude to His Majesty put it out of his power to have any Money beforehand.” He asked that the governor “point out some Bread for him.” While he was waiting, he had to endure the hardships suffered by loyalist settlers during these early years. However, his medical skill, unstinting generosity to those in need, and loyalty to the crown soon brought him recognition. In 1788 he was appointed surgeon to the local militia and by 1794 had become clerk to the district land board. He was made a justice of the peace in 1796 and the same year was elected to the Upper Canadian House of Assembly for the riding of Leeds and Frontenac. Although not a prominent political figure, he was a conscientious representative, patiently dealing with the petitions and claims of his constituents. At the end of his term as an assemblyman, he faced a turning-point in his career. In 1799 he applied, unsuccessfully, for the position of hospital mate at Kingston. However, later that year he was appointed a justice of the peace for the recently created Johnstown District and in 1800 he was sent a commission making him a judge of the District Court. He thereafter committed his talents and energies entirely to the needs of the region.
  Biographie – BELLIVEAU,...  
de Shédiac, l’abbé Marcel-François Richard*, leader nationaliste acadien, affirma que « ce département n’a[vait] de français […qu’un] professeur français et [des] élèves français ». En 1883, cette section de l’école normale prit le nom de département français et Belliveau en devint le directeur.
, the Acadian nationalist leader Abbé Marcel-François Richard* asserted, “This department is French [only in having a] French professor and [some] French students.” In 1883 this section of the Normal School became the French department and Belliveau became its head.
  Biographie – TRUDEAU, P...  
de Toronto – qui, comme presque tous les journaux canadiens, s’était prononcé en faveur des conservateurs – déclara en éditorial que la victoire libérale était « une victoire personnelle » pour Trudeau, le résultat non pas de « la trudeaumanie, […] mais [du] travail, [de] l’effort et [de] l’énergie qu’il a[vait] mis dans sa campagne ».
(Toronto), which, like nearly all Canadian newspapers, had supported the Conservatives, editorially declared the win “a personal victory” for Trudeau, a tribute not to “Trudeaumania,... but [to] the work, effort and energy that he put into his campaign.” Yet it correctly warned that Trudeau faced problems of “grave dimensions,” particularly “runaway inflation,” often referred to as stagflation, in which high unemployment was combined with historically high rates of inflation. The inflation was in part the product of the global energy crisis whose political reflection in Canada was the absence of Liberal seats in Alberta.
  Biographie – LANGLEY, H...  
Langley disait que la résidence était « conçue dans le style d’architecture française moderne qui a[vait] largement été adopté dans les villes américaines et gagn[ait] rapidement de la faveur en Angleterre », énoncé qui indique que les architectes canadiens s’inspiraient de plus en plus de sources américaines.
Langley’s concern for the status of the architectural profession is clear from his role in the creation of an architects’ association in Toronto in 1876. Within a year this had become the Canadian Institute of Architects, but it folded sometime after February 1878. In the following decade Langley was among the early members of the Architectural Guild of Toronto, founded in 1887. He also worked for the formation of the Ontario Association of Architects in 1889 and the endowment that year of a chair in architecture at the School of Practical Science on the University of Toronto campus. The standards he set in his practice inspired his students to take an equally active interest in the profession.
  Biographie – BIDWELL, B...  
Ainsi, dans le curieux sermon prononcé à ses funérailles, le révérend J. Smith se sentit obligé de faire observer que, « malgré ce qu’on a[vait] pu dire de sa manière de réaliser ses idées, personne ne [pouvait] prétendre que celles-ci n’étaient pas des plus libérales et qu’elles ne visaient pas le bien de tous ».
.” The emphasis is Walker’s and his exception is a most important one; for the politics of conciliation were anathema to Bidwell. Partly for this reason, no reform politician in Upper Canada ever inspired as much political hatred as did he. Even his friends sometimes had reservations about the political means he employed. In a curious sermon preached at his funeral, for example, the Reverend J. Smith felt obliged to observe that, “whatever may be said of his mode of accomplishing his intentions, none will say that these were not of a most liberal description, and designed for the general good.” Bidwell having departed this world of party conflict, Smith added, perhaps he “may have already viewed many transactions in a different light, and weighed his own and others conduct and motives in a different balance than he formerly did.”
  Biographie – LEW, DAVID...  
Son anglais était apparemment excellent. Un compte rendu dans un journal contemporain rapportait que « à l’entendre parler, on pou[vait] presque croire qu’il était né au Canada ». Les écrits de Lew révèlent un haut niveau d’aisance et à peine quelques erreurs de grammaire occasionnelles.
Lew likely arrived in Canada when he was 13 or 14. The son of a prominent merchant, he attended public school in British Columbia, where he learned the English language and Canadian customs. His English was apparently excellent. One contemporary newspaper account noted that “to hear him talk one would almost imagine he was a born Canadian.” Lew’s own writings demonstrate a high degree of fluency with only occasional grammatical lapses.
  Biographie – WALKER, si...  
Sir Byron Edmund Walker prévenait les étudiants contre une erreur qu'il appelait « l'évaluation historique » ; ils ne devaient pas, selon lui, tenir quelqu'un en haute estime simplement « parce qu'il a[vait] accompli une œuvre importante pour son époque ».
Walker admonished students to avoid committing “the historical estimate.” He said they should not hold a person in high regard simply “because he accomplished work important for his time”; however, someone whose deeds were “important for all time” was to be valued. Certain of his contemporaries considered Walker to be too powerful and overextended into areas they said he knew little about. He was sometimes seen as “arrogant, domineering, and pretentious.” But Walker simply trusted his own judgement and ability. Furthermore, he “had an extraordinary power of creating enthusiasm.” In retrospect, the worst his enemies could say about him was that he was “a strong man with a liking for his own way of doing things.” “Remember each day,” he told the Schoolmen’s Club, “that we shall be judged by our children according to the use we have made of the really vast opportunity which fortune has placed in our hands.” Clearly he accomplished much, in many fields, at several levels, and in lasting ways.
  Biographie – TURRIFF, J...  
En 1916, le gouvernement Borden était tellement rongé par la corruption et avait accumulé tant d’erreurs dans l’administration de l’effort de guerre que Turriff, comme bien d’autres libéraux, croyait que son parti prendrait le pouvoir s’il y avait des élections.
Like many Liberals, Turriff by 1916 believed that corruption in the Borden government and its mismanagement of the war effort would result in a Liberal victory if an election was held. Unhappily, on 15 Sept. 1916 his son was killed in the battle of Courcelette; as he despondently told Sifton, “My chief hope in life is gone.” Perhaps this loss, as well as the changing circumstances of the war, turned Turriff in the summer of 1917 away from 30 years of loyalty to Laurier, instead to advocate conscription and coalition government. He rejected the Laurier solution of putting conscription to a referendum, believing that it would be beaten and that “there are times when the majority should not rule.” Yet his association with the Borden government and the Unionist Liberals in 1917 was reluctant. He did not think that naturalized “enemy aliens” should be deprived of the vote, nor did he agree with special concessions to farmers as a class in the matter of conscription, maintaining that the tribunals set up to adjudicate individual exemptions would recognize the importance of agricultural operations to the war effort.
  Biographie – KEMP, sir ...  
Kemp s'attaqua aux problèmes en recommandant aux autres d'être patients et en déléguant des tâches aux hommes les plus compétents qu'il pouvait trouver. Jouer à la vedette comme Hughes – qui avait ainsi perdu tous ses appuis au Canada puis outre-mer – n'était pas son genre.
Kemp turned to solving the problems, counselling patience, delegating duties to the ablest men he could find, and ending the one-man show that had been Hughes's downfall at home and then overseas. Dismayed as he was, he had some sympathy for Sir Sam and no time for recriminations. He reported that he had admonished a senior officer and bitter critic of Hughes to "have a little more regard for those whose honesty of purpose, although they may have made some mistakes, was no less sincere than his own." At the same time Kemp was creating a professional, efficient operation to implement the day-to-day administrative routine he had designed. For his service he was made a kcmg; announced in the king's New Year's honours of 1917, it was conferred on 13 Feb. 1917. The following month he announced a "Canadian Defence Force," to increase the militia ranks for home defence in order to free up troops for overseas service. The plan was largely a failure; "voluntary enlistment has about reached its limit," he confessed to Borden in April. Like many of his cabinet colleagues, he came to realize that conscription was inevitable.
  FR:Biography – MOLSON, ...  
Déterminé à faire instruire ses enfants de façon aussi « poussée et convenable que le pays pou[vait] le permettre », son père était disposé à envoyer son fils en Grande-Bretagne pour qu’il termine ses études, mais il n’était pas question de consentir à un effort semblable pour ses filles, Anne et Elizabeth Sarah Badgley.
Once her children were old enough to go to school, Anne had time to develop other interests. In 1864, initially pretending to act on behalf of a male acquaintance, she proposed to her good friend Principal John William Dawson of McGill College the donation of a medal. She gladly accepted his recommendation that it be offered to the best student in physics, mathematics, and physical science. She chose its design and, at her father’s insistence, it was called the Anne Molson Gold Medal. Perhaps the irony of honouring the best student at a university that did not admit women was not lost on her. Pressure began mounting in Montreal to have McGill open its doors to women. In the summer of 1870 Dawson and his wife, while visiting Britain, collected information on higher education for women. On their return they drafted a detailed proposal for an organization modelled on the Ladies’ Educational Association of Edinburgh. As a result, on 10 May 1871 many of the leading English-speaking female bourgeoisie met at Belmont Hall to form the Montreal Ladies’ Educational Association. All officers and members were to be women (except the treasurer, who had to be a man, and honorary male members); Anne was elected president and her husband treasurer.
  Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...  
L’opinion de Lilly fut retenue, en 1843, par le comité judiciaire du Conseil privé qui établit, définitivement et avec autorité, la règle concernant les pouvoirs respectifs des assemblées coloniales : la chambre d’Assemblée de Terre-Neuve était « une législature locale dotée de tous les pouvoirs raisonnablement nécessaires à l’exercice convenable de ses attributions et obligations mais elle n’a[vait] pas ce qu’elle a[vait] cru à tort posséder, soit les mêmes privilèges exclusifs que conférait l’ancien droit de l’Angleterre à la chambre du parlement ».
Despite his Presbyterian upbringing, Archibald, while still a young law clerk in Halifax, had recognized the social advantages of regular attendance at the Anglican St Paul’s Church. By 1840 he had become a pillar of the Anglican establishment in St John’s. The position he had now attained in the political and social community of Newfoundland moved him even closer to the centres of conservatism and weakened what little sympathy he had possessed for those who were, with increasing frequency, designated in his correspondence as “rads.” Nevertheless, he did not display that intransigent opposition to the idea of responsible government manifested by some of his colleagues, nor did the assembly ever come to regard him as one of its bitter enemies. Indeed, during the final negotiations of 1854 that led to responsible government, he joined with the Newfoundland colonial secretary, James Crowdy*, in urging and persuading the Council to accept the necessity of a representation bill which the Liberals in the House of Assembly, led by Philip Francis Little*, were determined to pass as the first act of the newly constituted legislature after responsible government.
  Biographie – MORRISON, ...  
En 1900, à l’issue d’un engagement – il était alors sous le commandement du lieutenant-colonel François-Louis Lessard –, il figura parmi cinq Canadiens recommandés pour une décoration. La sienne devait récompenser « la compétence et le sang-froid avec lesquels il a[vait] manœuvré et finalement sauvé ses canons » au cours d’une retraite précipitée.
Coincidentally, and very much in keeping with his personality, Morrison served as an artillery officer in Canada’s militia. He had joined the 4th Field Battery in Hamilton, as a second lieutenant, in May 1897 and then transferred to the 2nd Field Battery in Ottawa in 1898, with the rank of lieutenant. In 1899 he obtained a leave of absence from the Citizen to serve in South Africa, where he took part in operations in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony, and the Cape Colony. After one action in 1900, when he was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel François-Louis Lessard, he was among five Canadians to be recommended for a decoration, in his case “for the skill and coolness with which he worked and finally saved his guns” in a hasty retreat. He received the Distinguished Service Order the following year. Morrison described his experiences in a volume entitled With the guns in South Africa (1901), providing observations on food, the cold (which came as a surprise to Canadian troops), fellow officers such as Lieutenant John McCrae*, and the nature of operations, especially line of communication work, harassment by Boer commandos, and the occasional battle. The book is, in fact, an excellent source for those interested in the day-to-day life and work of an artillery battery in the South African War. Its last entry encapsulates the military ethos with which Morrison was imbued, reading simply that he had had “a nice time at the war.”
  Biographie – BEASLEY, R...  
En octobre, dans une adresse au lieutenant-gouverneur sir Peregrine Maitland*, Beasley, qu’on avait chargé à titre de commissaire, pendant la guerre, d’enquêter sur les cas de haute trahison, minimisa la nécessité de souligner l’évidente loyauté d’une population « qui, trois années durant, a[vait] résisté, dans le seul but de maintenir la souveraineté britannique, à tous les assauts d’un ennemi insidieux, audacieux et puissant ».
In an address to Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland* in October Beasley, who had been a high treason commissioner during the war, played down the need for stressing the obvious loyalty of a people “who, for three years, withstood every assault of an insidious, a daring and powerful enemy, merely for the maintenance of British Sovereignty.” At issue, rather, was the colonial administration of the past 20 years which, “with little exception, only gave experience of disappointment.” He looked “forward to more cheering times”; discontent, however, was real and “serious causes must exist for such agitations.” Beasley went beyond the traditional call for redress of grievances. He wanted an imperial inquiry into the state of the province, a task for which the provincial House of Assembly “is not, indeed, competent.” The seventh parliament had so far ignored matters “of vital import.” Maitland’s predecessor, Francis Gore*, had “by arbitrary acts . . . thwarted the laws of the land” and presented “just grounds for [his] peachment.” Robert Nichol*’s comprehensive resolutions in 1817 attacking Gore’s administration though “excellent” had been made too late. The province suffered from the “maladministration of good laws,” a check in its prosperity, and “discontent and poverty under the most genial clime, and rooted in the most fertile soil.” Fearing a renewal of hostilities with the United States and possible separation from Great Britain, he urged Maitland to forward the York convention’s address to the Prince Regent. The conventionists, however, had gone too far and the so-called Gagging Bill to limit such proceedings was passed on 31 October with only one dissentient vote.
  FR:Biography – CLARKE, ...  
Lorsque Dorchester revint à Québec en septembre 1793, Clarke fut heureux de partir (probablement en novembre) pour l’Angleterre où il n’avait passé qu’environ cinq mois durant les vingt années précédentes.
The whirlwind end of session gave Clarke grounds for optimism: “The Canadian Members having, as they conceived, established their consequence” by demonstrating to the people that they could act together to control the assembly, and the British members having demonstrated moderation, “the invidious distinctions that at first appeared, had previous to the Prorogation, in great measure vanished; and . . . all the Members, New and Old Subjects, who remained in Town, dined together on the last day of the Session, and parted in the greatest harmony and good humour with each other.” Consequently, although the amount of legislation passed had been meagre, Clarke considered “that as much has been done as could reasonably be expected” and was confident that the experience acquired by the members of the assembly would enable them to act more effectively in future.
  Biographie – SAVARY, CH...  
(Montréal) allait même jusqu’à dire que durant ses quatre ans au Québec, Savary « a[vait] plus fait pour la jeune génération que deux siècles de Sulpiciens et de Jésuites ».
, a radical liberal paper in Montreal, even went so far as to claim that in his four years in Quebec Savary had “done more for the younger generation than two centuries of Sulpicians and Jesuits.”
  Biographie – DULONGPRÉ,...  
, où il avisait le public qu’il était arrivé « recemment des Colonies où il a[vait] Cultivé l’art de Peindre les Portraits sous les meilleurs Académiciens [...] qu’il pei[gnait] la Miniature et le Pastelles ».
stating that he had “lately arrived from the Colonies, where he has improved in the Art of Drawing under the best Academicians” and announcing that he would “paint in Miniature and in Crayons, Pastels.” It is astonishing that in less than one year Dulongpré had mastered his new profession and reached the degree of perfection that characterized his best productions. In addition to his natural gifts he must have possessed a solid artistic base, since he had already painted stage sets. It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that before going to the United States he had taken lessons from Beaucourt. Beaucourt, moreover, had just returned from a stay there and had been able to recommend good teachers.
  Biographie – HOWSE, JOS...  
Quand, à l’automne de 1811, William Hemmings Cook, fonctionnaire de la Hudson’s Bay Company qui était responsable d’York Factory, écrivit à Joseph Colen à Cirencester, il affirma que Howse avait « exploré une contrée que jamais aucun Européen n’a[vait] foulée ».
In no small part thanks to Bird’s prudent support, Howse reached Edmonton House by mid July 1811, the first HBC man to have followed the NWC into the land across the Rockies. The rewards were considerable: while the trading goods, stores, and wages for Howse’s expedition had come to £576, the furs brought back were valued at £1,500. In spite of Bird’s plans, however, and the HBC London committee’s hopes to continue this trade, the declared hostility of the Peigans proved effective: no further expeditions across the Rocky Mountains were undertaken by the HBC until after its merger with the NWC in 1821. But Howse, “adventurous, tough and intelligent,” had shown, as Edwin Ernest Rich has put it, that the HBC had men “who could rival the Nor’Westers in their ability to travel, to trade, and to manage Indians.”
  Biographie – JACKSON, J...  
De retour en Angleterre au début de l’été de 1807, Jackson écrivit le 5 septembre à lord Castlereagh, secrétaire d’État aux Colonies, une lettre « concernant quelques-uns [des] griefs » qu’il avait entendus dans le Haut-Canada.
By early summer 1807 Jackson was back in England and on 5 September he wrote to Colonial Secretary Lord Castlereagh “relating a few of those grievances” which he had found in Upper Canada. Gore had feared such an eventuality and later explained to his superiors that Jackson’s “hostility . . arose from his being refused a quantity of Land, on account of his improper conduct.” In fact, it had been on 24 Jan. 1807, four months after Jackson’s application, that Gore first notified the colonial secretary that Jackson might apply for land. When Jackson left, the council rejected his petition because he was absent from the province.
  Biographie – LOFT, FRED...  
de Toronto rappellerait dans sa nécrologie que, avant et après la création de la ligue, « il a[vait] voyagé presque continuellement durant des années, réglant des conflits entre trappeurs, faisant appel à des fonctionnaires d'Ottawa afin d'obtenir justice pour ses clients, aidant les anciens combattants indiens admissibles à une pension après la guerre ».
Loft's stance on enfranchisement reveals him as a moderate, anxious for his people to enter into the larger society around them. In contrast, Levi General [Deskaheh*], a Cayuga chief in the Six Nations Council and a member of the Longhouse community, did not want the Iroquois to join the dominant society. Instead, he worked to secure international acceptance of the Six Nations as a sovereign entity. His agitation greatly upset Loft. In a letter of 18 Dec. 1922 on the sovereignty question to William Lyon Mackenzie King*, the new Liberal prime minister, he emphasized that he saw the Six Nations as subjects of His Majesty, "in no degree differing from the acknowledged and accepted status of other Indians of Canada." The Cayuga chief, Loft stated pointedly, "holds no mandate from the people of the Six Nations to warrant his actions."
  Biographie – BURNS, PAT...  
Durant la dépression, il s'entêta à déclarer que son actif approchait toujours cette somme, malgré l'avertissement de ses comptables : « il faudrait s'occuper de constituer des réserves pour couvrir les pertes probables sur les dettes actives, en particulier celles qui se classent dans les avances en espèces, dont bon nombre nous semblent fort peu susceptibles d'être recouvrées ». Les comptables signalaient aussi que « rien n'a[vait] été fait en prévision du fléchissement probable de la valeur des investissements ».
His other major financial headache in later years was the fall in his personal net worth. This decline resulted not just from the problems of the company. At the end of 1928, after the sale to Dominion Securities, Burns valued his holdings in stocks and property at $9,211,222.41. Over the course of the depression he stubbornly continued to declare his assets at close to this sum despite warnings from his accountants that "attention should be given to the setting up of reserves to provide for probable losses on Accounts Receivable, particularly those included in the Cash Advances, many of which appear to us to be very doubtful as to recovery." The accountants pointed out as well that "probable shrinkage in the value of investments has not been dealt with." After his death his estate was assessed at $3,833,413.34 - a vast sum for the times, but well short of his calculations. The decreasing value of his life's work must have haunted the senator during his declining years.
  Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...  
L’opinion de Lilly fut retenue, en 1843, par le comité judiciaire du Conseil privé qui établit, définitivement et avec autorité, la règle concernant les pouvoirs respectifs des assemblées coloniales : la chambre d’Assemblée de Terre-Neuve était « une législature locale dotée de tous les pouvoirs raisonnablement nécessaires à l’exercice convenable de ses attributions et obligations mais elle n’a[vait] pas ce qu’elle a[vait] cru à tort posséder, soit les mêmes privilèges exclusifs que conférait l’ancien droit de l’Angleterre à la chambre du parlement ».
Despite his Presbyterian upbringing, Archibald, while still a young law clerk in Halifax, had recognized the social advantages of regular attendance at the Anglican St Paul’s Church. By 1840 he had become a pillar of the Anglican establishment in St John’s. The position he had now attained in the political and social community of Newfoundland moved him even closer to the centres of conservatism and weakened what little sympathy he had possessed for those who were, with increasing frequency, designated in his correspondence as “rads.” Nevertheless, he did not display that intransigent opposition to the idea of responsible government manifested by some of his colleagues, nor did the assembly ever come to regard him as one of its bitter enemies. Indeed, during the final negotiations of 1854 that led to responsible government, he joined with the Newfoundland colonial secretary, James Crowdy*, in urging and persuading the Council to accept the necessity of a representation bill which the Liberals in the House of Assembly, led by Philip Francis Little*, were determined to pass as the first act of the newly constituted legislature after responsible government.
  Biographie – DALRYMPLE,...  
Convaincu que « l’une des meilleures causes a[vait] été gâchée par la violence et l’ignorance des prétendus amis de celle-ci », Dalrymple s’éloigna de ses électeurs et perdit son siège aux élections de novembre 1838.
Although, while acting as agent for the Greenwich estate in 1830, he had threatened to use “coercive measures” to collect unpaid rents, he maintained a moderate and constitutional approach to reform and escheat which was legitimately consistent with his role as a friend to improvement. When Cooper’s methods had been tried and failed, Dalrymple may have gained a measure of satisfaction from observing the moderate and dogged pace of the new age of Island Reformers led by George Coles*.
  Biographie – THOMPSON, ...  
Charles Fothergill*, notait qu’elle « n’a[vait] guère manifesté d’inquiétude » durant l’enquête. Inculpée en vertu d’une loi de 1624 (21 Jacques I, chap. 27), elle subit son procès le 17 octobre 1823 devant le juge en chef William Dummer Powell.
On 18 October Thompson petitioned Maitland for clemency. Unlike Pilotte, she did not plead innocence. She admitted that she had been “fairly and patiently tried with every Opportunity of Defence.” However, she claimed that she had failed to present the “real situation” to the jury. She now declared that her labour had been “unexpected” and that “in the pains and anguish of child-birth . . . her unfortunate Offspring met it’s untimely end, and that it’s death was not the consequence of any premeditated design to conceal her shame, any predisposition to commit a Deed so foul, any felonious violence by the arm of an unnatural Mother.” She appealed to Maitland’s “known clemency” to “save her from that pending death she is so little prepared to meet.” Two days later her father, who had spoken to Powell personally on the night of the conviction, uttered a plea for his “wretched Child . . . so lately the hope of an affectionate parents future happiness, [who] by one false step productive of Shame is doomed to die an ignominious death.” Making no claim for her innocence, he simply urged that “the spirit of holy feeling and charity” be extended to his daughter as it had been to others.
  Biographie – ANSPACH, L...  
Un groupe de citoyens de Harbour Grace avait demandé la nomination d’un certain M. Dingle, qui était probablement de tendance méthodiste, mais la Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ne tini pas compte de leur proposition et nomma Anspach.
The SPG, disregarding a request from some inhabitants of Harbour Grace for the appointment of a Mr Dingle, presumably inclined to Methodism, appointed Anspach. Encouraged by Harries, he had applied, urging his “strict conformity with the Church which has honoured him by receiving him as a Minister.” In the populous area of Conception Bay he busied himself as a missionary for the next ten years, and built schools at Harbour Grace, Bay Roberts, and Brigus. Since the time of Laurence Coughlan* the mission had been bitterly divided and the work of the church hindered by frequent squabbles between Methodist and Anglican. Under Anspach this situation eased and by 1810 he was exulting that “the sectarian spirit has in a very considerable degree given way to the spirit of unity, and there is no other Protestant Place of Worship.” Because of his own very Protestant background, he may have appealed to a wider spectrum of belief than did more orthodox Anglican missionaries, and unlike most of them he did not complain of lack of local financial support. He could not “speak too highly of the kindness” he received “from every class of inhabitants . . . and of their attention to religious duties.”
  Biographie – ANSPACH, L...  
Un groupe de citoyens de Harbour Grace avait demandé la nomination d’un certain M. Dingle, qui était probablement de tendance méthodiste, mais la Society for the Propagation of the Gospel ne tini pas compte de leur proposition et nomma Anspach.
The SPG, disregarding a request from some inhabitants of Harbour Grace for the appointment of a Mr Dingle, presumably inclined to Methodism, appointed Anspach. Encouraged by Harries, he had applied, urging his “strict conformity with the Church which has honoured him by receiving him as a Minister.” In the populous area of Conception Bay he busied himself as a missionary for the next ten years, and built schools at Harbour Grace, Bay Roberts, and Brigus. Since the time of Laurence Coughlan* the mission had been bitterly divided and the work of the church hindered by frequent squabbles between Methodist and Anglican. Under Anspach this situation eased and by 1810 he was exulting that “the sectarian spirit has in a very considerable degree given way to the spirit of unity, and there is no other Protestant Place of Worship.” Because of his own very Protestant background, he may have appealed to a wider spectrum of belief than did more orthodox Anglican missionaries, and unlike most of them he did not complain of lack of local financial support. He could not “speak too highly of the kindness” he received “from every class of inhabitants . . . and of their attention to religious duties.”
  Biographie – WOOD, JOSI...  
Il continua de s’opposer à ce que le gouvernement possède et exploite des chemins de fer, en reconnaissant ouvertement que, dans sa critique de l’Intercolonial, il « n’exprim[ait] pas l’opinion de la population des Maritimes ». Bien que, en général, il ait vanté les chemins de fer privés, il trouvait parfois excessif ou contestable le soutien gouvernemental.
In the Senate he was an active participant in debates. He continued his opposition to government ownership and operation of railways, openly acknowledging that in his criticism of the ICR he was “not putting forth the views of the public in the maritime provinces.” While generally he praised private railways, he sometimes found government support for them to be excessive or questionable. He had major reservations about the Crowsnest Pass agreement with the CPR, for example, and he totally opposed the Liberal plan to build a second transcontinental railway [see Charles Melville Hays*], fearing that the government’s obligations might eventually force it to take over the line. On the Manitoba school question he supported “the views of the Roman Catholics” and in 1897 condemned Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier*’s failure to “carry out the obligations which the highest judicial authority of this empire have declared to be a solemn parliamentary compact.” The privileges and role of the Senate were of vital importance to him, and he presented an elaborate case against Senate reform. Yet both senators and mps were chastised for accepting salary increases. “We are here,” Wood argued, “not as paid representatives of the people; we are here, in my opinion, as trustees of the public funds.” His own increase was not accepted; instead he allowed the funds to accumulate. Above all, Wood continued to dream that national economic policies could be formulated which would stimulate the growth of the Maritimes. The “eastern section of this Dominion,” he believed, could make Canada “one of the greatest manufacturing countries in the world.”
  Biographie – FIRTH, WIL...  
D’abord, Firth crut que non seulement il obtiendrait satisfaction mais aussi qu’il parviendrait à empêcher Gore – l’homme qui, disait-il à Baldwin, avait « assombri [ses] perspectives d’avenir » – de retourner dans le Haut-Canada.
Firth was at first confident that he would not only win his demands but also prevent the return to Upper Canada of Gore, the man who, as he told Baldwin, had “clouded my prospects in life.” From his first memorial to the Colonial Office in January 1812 to the testimony that he volunteered against Gore in the libel suits later brought by Charles Burton Wyatt and Robert Thorpe, he identified the lieutenant governor as the deliberate and spiteful agent of his misfortunes. After Gore’s departure in October 1811 the Executive Council, which Firth denounced as “abandoned and inquisitory,” had added to his grievances. It twice refused, “under the very peculiar Circumstances in which Mr. Firth abandoned his Duties in this Province,” to pay the travel expenses of his last judicial circuit in Upper Canada. It did at length agree on 14 March 1812, following the opinion of the law officers in London, that he should receive the fees of office that Sewell had recommended in 1809. Beyond that, all he obtained was a ruling from the secretary of state, Lord Bathurst, that he was entitled to half his salary and fees from the date he left the province until 13 April 1812, when his removal from office was confirmed.
  Biographie – BEASLEY, R...  
En octobre, dans une adresse au lieutenant-gouverneur sir Peregrine Maitland*, Beasley, qu’on avait chargé à titre de commissaire, pendant la guerre, d’enquêter sur les cas de haute trahison, minimisa la nécessité de souligner l’évidente loyauté d’une population « qui, trois années durant, a[vait] résisté, dans le seul but de maintenir la souveraineté britannique, à tous les assauts d’un ennemi insidieux, audacieux et puissant ».
In an address to Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland* in October Beasley, who had been a high treason commissioner during the war, played down the need for stressing the obvious loyalty of a people “who, for three years, withstood every assault of an insidious, a daring and powerful enemy, merely for the maintenance of British Sovereignty.” At issue, rather, was the colonial administration of the past 20 years which, “with little exception, only gave experience of disappointment.” He looked “forward to more cheering times”; discontent, however, was real and “serious causes must exist for such agitations.” Beasley went beyond the traditional call for redress of grievances. He wanted an imperial inquiry into the state of the province, a task for which the provincial House of Assembly “is not, indeed, competent.” The seventh parliament had so far ignored matters “of vital import.” Maitland’s predecessor, Francis Gore*, had “by arbitrary acts . . . thwarted the laws of the land” and presented “just grounds for [his] peachment.” Robert Nichol*’s comprehensive resolutions in 1817 attacking Gore’s administration though “excellent” had been made too late. The province suffered from the “maladministration of good laws,” a check in its prosperity, and “discontent and poverty under the most genial clime, and rooted in the most fertile soil.” Fearing a renewal of hostilities with the United States and possible separation from Great Britain, he urged Maitland to forward the York convention’s address to the Prince Regent. The conventionists, however, had gone too far and the so-called Gagging Bill to limit such proceedings was passed on 31 October with only one dissentient vote.
  Biographie – TRUDEAU, P...  
En 1978, le journaliste George Radwanski avait publié une biographie de Trudeau à partir de longs entretiens qui laissaient croire que le premier ministre avait commencé à songer à sa place dans l’histoire.
In 1978 journalist George Radwanski had published a biography of Trudeau based upon extensive interviews that suggested the prime minister had begun to consider his own place in history. Although Trudeau was not yet a great leader, he concluded, he had “governed intelligently in a difficult time.” He was “not a failed prime minister but an unfulfilled one.” Trudeau probably agreed. He had told the American ambassador, Thomas Ostrom Enders, in August 1976 that his government had not been able to solve the constitutional problem or deal with the “great wastefulness” of the 1970s. Worst of all, it had not vanquished separatism. Enders, one of the finest American ambassadors, shrewdly noted that Trudeau was “convinced of his vision but [was] trying to govern by fiat rather than his very considerable skills as a practical politician.” It had not worked. In early June 1979 Trudeau seemed at ease as he left 24 Sussex Drive in his elegant albeit ancient Mercedes-Benz 300SL and prepared for a life as a single father without the burdens of the prime minister’s office. On 21 November he announced his resignation as leader of the party, telling members of the press that “I’m kind of sorry I won’t have you to kick around any more.” They applauded.
  Biographie – MAGILL, RO...  
Magill expliqua à Foster que, à titre de président de l’organisme, il « [se] trouv[ait] souvent en conflit avec ceux-là mêmes qui [lui] vers[aient] le salaire dont [il] vi[vait] à titre de secrétaire de la Bourse ».
Until the end of its term in 1919 the BGS regulated wheat prices and directed wheat distribution and export. Magill explained to Foster that his role as chairman of the BGS “frequently puts me in a position of antagonism with men who are paying me the salary on which I live as secretary of the exchange.” He submitted his resignation as chairman in October 1918, but Foster as well as the executive council of the exchange persuaded him to stay on. The Winnipeg grain men, in particular, were fearful of what might happen if a leader of the farm movement was elevated to the BGS’s chairmanship. Reluctantly, Magill agreed to remain in his government position, but he worked as well to gain support for the reopening of the wheat market. His efforts were especially evident during his role as the exchange’s representative at the Canadian trade mission in London in December 1918. The government did create a wheat board for the crop of 1919–20, but allowed the open market to operate again the following year.
  Biographie – CARVELL, F...  
Ils dirent à Borden que Carvell s’associerait au gouvernement de coalition uniquement pour « en causer le naufrage », qu’il ne pouvait même pas obtenir l’appui des conservateurs de sa circonscription et que ce changement serait « suicidaire » pour le parti dans la province.
As the Liberal party quarrelled and split over the issue, Borden approached Carvell about crossing the floor. Carvell refused. In late September 1917 he helped Laurier with a plan for what Laurier would do about conscription if he won the forthcoming election. Then, suddenly, Conservatives were awash in rumours that Laurier was going to resign and that Carvell would become the new leader of the Liberal party and join the Union government. New Brunswick Tories were appalled. They told Borden that Carvell would join the Union government only to “wreck it,” that he could not command the support of Conservatives in his own constituency, and that the move would be “suicidal” for the party in the province. For his part, Laurier did not resign, but Carvell did join the Union government as minister of public works on 13 October. Borden told a New Brunswick Tory that “Carvell has been altogether too bitter in his political warfare” but “now that he has come in he comes in whole-heartedly.” Laurier confessed that “Carvell is more and more an enigma for me.”
  Biographie – TRUTCH, si...  
Cet article, de triste mémoire, plaçait les affaires indiennes et les terres indiennes sous la compétence du gouvernement fédéral et stipulait que celui-ci adopterait « une politique aussi généreuse que celle que le gouvernement de la Colombie-Britannique a[vait] appliquée jusque-là ».
British Columbia became the sixth province of Canada on 20 July 1871. Joseph Trutch was rewarded by the federal government with appointment as the first lieutenant governor. He was reluctant to accept the post since he would have preferred a more lucrative role in building the proposed railway. His selection was not popular in all quarters. Provincehood was to be accompanied by the institution of responsible government, which Trutch had opposed before 1871. His political opponents thought that he now dragged his feet on the issue and there was no doubt that he continued to play a major role in politics. Prior to the first election Trutch appointed the ministers of the crown and his influence resulted in John Foster McCreight*’s becoming the first premier. As his friend Crease put it, “Trutch still runs the mill . . . it’s a one man government still (in disguise).” But the defeat of the McCreight ministry late in 1872 led to Trutch’s calling on the mercurial reformer Amor De Cosmos* to form a government. De Cosmos had been pressing for years to have political power removed from the hands of unelected officials and he was determined that Trutch should not exceed his constitutional role.
  FR:Biography – RYERSON,...  
[vait]
Times
  Biographie – TRUDEAU, P...  
En 1978, le journaliste George Radwanski avait publié une biographie de Trudeau à partir de longs entretiens qui laissaient croire que le premier ministre avait commencé à songer à sa place dans l’histoire.
In 1978 journalist George Radwanski had published a biography of Trudeau based upon extensive interviews that suggested the prime minister had begun to consider his own place in history. Although Trudeau was not yet a great leader, he concluded, he had “governed intelligently in a difficult time.” He was “not a failed prime minister but an unfulfilled one.” Trudeau probably agreed. He had told the American ambassador, Thomas Ostrom Enders, in August 1976 that his government had not been able to solve the constitutional problem or deal with the “great wastefulness” of the 1970s. Worst of all, it had not vanquished separatism. Enders, one of the finest American ambassadors, shrewdly noted that Trudeau was “convinced of his vision but [was] trying to govern by fiat rather than his very considerable skills as a practical politician.” It had not worked. In early June 1979 Trudeau seemed at ease as he left 24 Sussex Drive in his elegant albeit ancient Mercedes-Benz 300SL and prepared for a life as a single father without the burdens of the prime minister’s office. On 21 November he announced his resignation as leader of the party, telling members of the press that “I’m kind of sorry I won’t have you to kick around any more.” They applauded.
  FR:Biography – VINCENT,...  
Soulerin, en tant que supérieur du collège et curé de la paroisse, en vint à compter de plus en plus sur Vincent, qu’il décrivait comme étant, « de tous ses confrères, celui qui a[vait] le meilleur esprit, qui se t[enait] le mieux à son affaire, se plai[sait] et se fai[sait] avec les élèves, et a[vait] conservé la piété première ».
Vincent had become a capable administrator. In 1871–72 he extended the college building; the addition was paid for by 1876 despite the fact that the annual government grant of $3,000 had been discontinued in 1869. Then, to satisfy the archbishop, he worked out a structural change in the church, extending the sanctuary so that students could be placed on either side of the altar without having to mix with the congregation. In 1881 a more significant change came when St Michael’s was affiliated with the University of Toronto. This affiliation was largely the work of Father John Reed Teefy*, but Vincent gave his younger colleague the support he needed. The archbishop seems to have been pleased, and his concerns from that time were mainly that Roman Catholic students should take advantage of what St Michael’s offered. In any case, his reconciliation with Vincent had been formally expressed in 1878 when Vincent, on the 25th anniversary of his ordination, had been named vicar general of Toronto.
  Biographie – McLACHLAN,...  
qui parut aussi en 1888, Rose insistait pour que McLachlan « soit considéré comme un bienfaiteur de son pays, car il a[vait] jeté un halo sur la plus humble demeure ». Pourtant, malgré l’appui de groupes comme « les Calédoniens de Minneapolis », il fallut presque trois ans pour constituer le fonds.
Before she died in 1899, his daughter Mary had begun “to collect and arrange his numerous poetic compositions, with a view to publishing a selection of what might seem most worthy of presentation in permanent form.” This work was completed by a group including W. P. Begg, David Boyle, and Edward Hartley Dewart. They selected the poems, punctuated them “for the sense,” and made “finishing touches,” many indicated by McLachlan before his death. Dewart wrote an introduction and a memoir was prepared.
  FR:Biography – HODGSON,...  
Notant que « tout sens du devoir ou de la discipline a[vait] disparu depuis longtemps » à Albany, il considérait que la situation de Hodgson constituait « un avertissement pour les irréfléchis et les imprudents ».
Hodgson’s difficulties with the Albany outposts were matched by his growing management problems at Albany itself and, in the summer of 1810, he received word of his dismissal and his replacement by Thomas Vincent, after a long service which for the most part had been well regarded. The change was applauded by William Auld, superintendent of the Northern Department, who, noting “the long Absence of all Sense of Duty or Discipline” at Albany, considered Hodgson “a Beacon to the unwary and inconsiderate. Surely his desolate State will strike Terror into the Bosom of the most thoughtless. . . . Officers of all Ranks will see the Destiny that awaits the Indulgence of uncontrould Passions and the Freaks of a mischievous Caprice.”
  FR:Biography – VINCENT,...  
Soulerin, en tant que supérieur du collège et curé de la paroisse, en vint à compter de plus en plus sur Vincent, qu’il décrivait comme étant, « de tous ses confrères, celui qui a[vait] le meilleur esprit, qui se t[enait] le mieux à son affaire, se plai[sait] et se fai[sait] avec les élèves, et a[vait] conservé la piété première ».
Vincent had become a capable administrator. In 1871–72 he extended the college building; the addition was paid for by 1876 despite the fact that the annual government grant of $3,000 had been discontinued in 1869. Then, to satisfy the archbishop, he worked out a structural change in the church, extending the sanctuary so that students could be placed on either side of the altar without having to mix with the congregation. In 1881 a more significant change came when St Michael’s was affiliated with the University of Toronto. This affiliation was largely the work of Father John Reed Teefy*, but Vincent gave his younger colleague the support he needed. The archbishop seems to have been pleased, and his concerns from that time were mainly that Roman Catholic students should take advantage of what St Michael’s offered. In any case, his reconciliation with Vincent had been formally expressed in 1878 when Vincent, on the 25th anniversary of his ordination, had been named vicar general of Toronto.
  Biographie – DAVIN, NIC...  
Davin était prêt à accepter l’abolition du bilinguisme « si l’on décidait que les deux langues n’[étaient] pas nécessaires dans une partie quelconque du dominion », mais il réclamait que cela se fasse « sans susciter de clameurs ni de dithyrambes ». Au Parlement, il proposa de laisser la question linguistique à la discrétion de l’Assemblée territoriale qui, il le savait, penchait en faveur de l’unilinguisme.
In parliament Davin became known better for the style than for the substance of his contributions to debate. Opposition members derided him as “the blatherskite from West Assiniboia,” and as “the incarnation of the Banff Springs, namely, gush and gas.” Henri Bourassa* called him “Almighty Voice.” But in the cut and thrust of the commons Davin gave as good or better than he got. Told by a heckler that “you make such a fool of yourself,” he riposted that “I will not go to that length in the sincerest form of flattery to the hon. gentleman.” To an opponent who lampooned his baldness Davin replied, “Though I am more bare-headed than he is, he is more bare-faced than I am.” Macdonald called on Davin’s oratorical powers when parliamentary tactics required delaying a division in the house. The list of legislation connected directly with Davin’s name, however, contains only one item: a minor 1892 amendment to the Dominion Lands Act that retroactively extended the privilege of claiming a second homestead to settlers who had arrived in the west between June 1887 and June 1889.
  Biographie – OGDEN, PET...  
Tout en reconnaissant les services « notables » qu’Ogden avait rendus à la compagnie, Simpson prévoyait que sa promotion allait causer des problèmes ; il le décrivait comme « l’un des hommes les plus dénués de principes au pays des Indiens, qui tomberait [...] dans des habitudes de dissipation s’il n’était pas retenu par la crainte de nuire ainsi à ses propres intérêts, et s’il se laiss[ait] aller dans cette voie, la folie, pour laquelle il a[vait] une prédisposition, [allait] suivr[e] tout naturellement ».
George Simpson]. On his return to Canada in 1845 he accompanied two British army officers, Mervin Vavasour* and Henry James Warre*, on their secret surveying trip from Lachine, Lower Canada, to the Columbia. In 1845 Ogden had also been appointed to the newly formed board of management for the Columbia district, with McLoughlin and James Douglas*, and after his arrival at Fort Vancouver in August he carried out his instructions to purchase Cape Disappointment at the mouth of the Columbia for the HBC. Regardless of this apparent claim to sovereignty, the Oregon Boundary Treaty of June 1846 fixed the frontier between British and American territory at the 49th parallel, placing the lower Columbia in the United States. Ogden, who together with Douglas and John Work* ran the Columbia district after the retirement of McLoughlin in 1846, now faced the problems of operating in an area which had passed under foreign control. Not least of these problems was the arrival of increasing numbers of settlers from the east, disrupting the stable relations with the Indians upon which the trading activities of the HBC depended.
  Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...  
Nommé greffier par le gouvernement britannique, Archibald devait inévitablement se trouver dans l’incapacité de concilier sa loyauté envers l’exécutif et celle envers la chambre d’Assemblée, qu’il était tenu de servir tous deux.
Because of Archibald’s assistance to Lilly in 1838, his name was brought to the favourable attention of Lord Glenelg at the Colonial Office, and he thus added to his reputation for acumen and ability. Perhaps as a direct result, Archibald was summoned to appear before the imperial parliament in 1841 to give evidence upon the working of colonial constitutions. At the same time he was invited by the Colonial Office to assist in developing a new constitutional form for the government of Newfoundland that would avoid the seemingly inevitable deadlock between council and assembly which had rendered the 1832 model unworkable. The result was the Amalgamated Legislature, inaugurated in 1842 with Archibald as its chief clerk. Furthermore, in November 1841 he had been elevated to the office of attorney general for the colony, a position which gave him a seat in the Council and which he held concurrently with the office of clerk of the Supreme Court until his retirement and departure from Newfoundland in 1855.
  Biographie – CANNON, JO...  
, il avait surtout des appuis « dans la paroisse de Pointe aux Trembles [Neuville], où il se fai[sait] un commerce de pierre très considérable » et où le notaire et agent seigneurial François-Xavier Larue* faisait campagne pour lui.
, Cannon’s principal base of support was “in the parish of Pointe aux Trembles [Neuville], where there is a very considerable stone trade,” and where the notary and seigneurial agent François-Xavier Larue* campaigned on his behalf. His election was contested on the grounds that he had bribed some voters, threatened others with suits for debts, and opened “Houses of Public Entertainment.” On St Patrick’s Day 1826, in a sitting that lasted from early afternoon until 2:00 a.m., the assembly concluded that the Irishman had indeed furnished liquor to voters. His election was voided and he was expelled from the assembly. According to Louis-Joseph Papineau*, “although his expenditures were petty in comparison with the wrong committed in other elections, the House has given a just example of severity by nipping the evil in the bud.” Larue ran in Cannon’s place in a by-election held in March and April and was elected. Cannon himself was again returned for Hampshire in the elections of 1827; he sat until September 1830. In the assembly he proved to be an independent, while leaning towards the Canadian party. In December 1831 he was appointed by Lord Aylmer [Whitworth-Aylmer*] a trustee for the erection of the Marine Hospital at Quebec, and in February 1832 he twice acted as a property valuation expert commissioned by government.
  Biographie – CAMPBELL, ...  
Campbell était assez âgé lorsqu’il avait assumé ses fonctions dans le Haut-Canada, et la composition fluctuante de la Cour du banc du roi était souvent venue alourdir un fardeau que sa santé le rendait de moins en moins apte à porter.
Campbell was advancing in age when he took up his duties in Upper Canada. The fluctuating composition of the King’s Bench often added to a burden which his health was increasingly unable to tolerate. Powell’s leave of absence in 1822 increased Campbell’s responsibilities as senior judge and divided an already onerous work-load between two judges. Under the strain Campbell’s health faltered. On 23 March 1823 he conveyed to Maitland “my apprehensions that the increasing infirmities of age and ill health will ere long deprive me of the power of fulfilling the important duties of my situation.” For the past two years he had been “afflicted with occasional attacks of fever and temporary suspension of the mental faculties to a certain extent.” The condition, although “alarming,” had been brought under control. The following year, after particularly gruelling assizes and the prospect of equally wearisome ones yet to come, Campbell sighed that, “if he has not had the three regular warnings by being deaf, lame and blind, [he] has almost daily very broad hints to the same effect.”
  Biographie – ARNOLD, BE...  
Dans le camp américain, la situation s’améliora quelque peu lors de l’arrivée, le 3 décembre, de Richard Montgomery*, qui avait remplacé Schuyler à titre de commandant de l’autre armée d’invasion. Au cours des deux mois précédents, Montgomery avait réalisé tout ce qu’on attendait de lui, en s’emparant successivement du fort Chambly, du fort St Johns, de Montréal et de Sorel.
The attack on Quebec was planned for the first stormy night, but for the next two weeks clear weather prevented the Americans from making their move. Finally, on the night of 30–31 December, a blinding snowstorm gave them their opportunity. Leading about 200 men, Montgomery advanced from Cap Diamant to Près-de-Ville, while Arnold and a force of 600 marched from Saint-Roch to the Rue du Sault-au-Matelot. What followed can only be described as a complete rout of the American army. Thanks to information supplied by deserters, the defenders of Quebec had known of American intentions for some time, and they turned out in force when the enemy was seen advancing. At Près-de-Ville a body of British seamen and Canadian militia which included John Coffin surprised Montgomery’s troops, killing several Americans, including Montgomery himself, and forcing the invaders to retreat. Arnold’s division was no more successful. After passing Porte du Palais, where they were fired upon by sailors positioned on the bluffs above, the troops continued on to a battery. Here Arnold was wounded in the leg, and Daniel Morgan assumed command. While Arnold, urging his men to press on, was carried back to the Hôpital Général, Morgan fought his way past the battery and entered Lower Town. Dissension now broke out amongst the American officers over what course to follow, with Morgan in favour of an immediate advance and other officers wanting to move no farther until Montgomery arrived with reinforcements. Morgan eventually won and the attack was renewed, but by then the defenders had turned back the Americans at Près-de-Ville and were able to concentrate their force at the other end of Lower Town. After encountering a second barrier, defended by forces under Caldwell and John Nairne, Morgan’s men decided to retreat, but a body of troops attacked them from the rear and forced them to surrender. As Carleton said, the Americans had been “compleatly ruined . . . caught as it were in a Trap.” Rebel casualties numbered between 60 and 100 killed and wounded, and about 400 soldiers had been captured; the defenders of Quebec lost only about 20 men.
  Biographie – MOUNTAIN, ...  
Comme la plupart des membres du parti des bureaucrates, Mountain désapprouvait tout à fait cette attitude : « [Mûs] par un vain espoir de conciliation et par une crainte illégitime d’offenser, nous leur [les Canadiens] avons tout donné », se plaignait-il à lord Bathurst, secrétaire d’État aux Colonies.
Jacob Mountain died at Quebec on 16 June 1825 and was buried under the chancel of the cathedral he had built. He had never been able to overcome fully his English background and formation, and in 1823 after nearly 30 years as bishop of Quebec he had referred to his situation as “this long expatriation”; from it he had numerous times tried to extricate himself. His objective had been not so much to adapt the Church of England to the specific and differing circumstances in Lower and Upper Canada, but to bring the religious life of the colonies and particularly the relations between the churches and the state into conformity with the situation in England. This endeavour was impossible given conditions in the Canadas from 1793 to 1825. Dalhousie, a Scottish Presbyterian, despite his approval of Mountain’s ability as a preacher, felt that the bishop carried “high church discipline too far for a colonial church,” and Strachan felt that “his habits and manners were calculated rather for an English Bishop than the Missionary Bishop of Canada.” Mountain gave to position, social dignity, and prestige, both institutional and personal, an importance that they perhaps did not merit in the North American context. His clergy, most of them sent from Great Britain by the SPG, were never numerous enough to minister effectively in all areas of their large mission stations and differed widely in ability. Some, because of strict adherence to church rubrics, were not able to attract to their services settlers without strong church loyalties. Others, because of their fear of religious “enthusiasm” – shared by the bishop – did not meet fully the emotional needs of a pioneer society. To all his clergy he held out high ideals for their conduct and spirituality, defending them in official correspondence, administering reproof and discipline in private as need arose. Jacob Mountain, despite his deficiencies, achieved much as a pioneer bishop, and even Strachan, recognizing the difficulties that Mountain had had to face, acknowledged what had been accomplished. Mountain could not realize a number of his dreams and did not live to see the realization of others, but in his long episcopate he fully earned the title given to him in his epitaph: “Founder of the Church of England in the Canadas.”
  Biographie – BLOWERS, S...  
Sa nomination amorça une querelle qui l’opposa à Uniacke jusqu’à la mort de ce dernier. Comme Uniacke avait escompté succéder à Gibbons, Parr le nomma, en guise de compensation, avocat général de la Cour de vice-amirauté.
As matters turned out, Blowers was appointed chief justice, but not until 9 Sept. 1797, after Strange’s resignation had been received. He had been well recommended by Lieutenant Governor Sir John Wentworth* and by Strange, who thought him the best person the British government could “procure for the Office, from this Country.” As chief justice, Blowers became president of the Council. Strange’s testimony of 1797 indicates that on the Council his services had been “of real utility in conducting the business, whether of Government or Legislation.” Blowers maintained a sense of his position as president, and when in 1808 a junior councillor, judge Alexander Croke, became administrator in the absence of Lieutenant Governor Sir George Prevost*, he refused to attend Council meetings. Writing in 1826 to his fellow judge Peleg Wiswall, he commented that in the Council he confined himself “to the duty of president without entering into the debates respecting a new issue of paper money, or the mighty subject of the Shubenacadie Canal.” In addition to being chief justice and councillor, Blowers served as judge of the Vice-Admiralty Court between 1821 and 1833.
  Biographie – BURNS, PAT...  
À la veille du XXe siècle, William Henry Fares et George Lane, tous deux futurs associés de James Thomas Gordon et de Robert Ironside*, avaient coutume d'acheter des bestiaux avec Burns ou pour lui. En général, la Gordon and Ironside achetait le bétail bien engraissé qui pouvait être vendu dans l'Est canadien ou bien outre-mer.
What seemed to vindicate their suspicion was the fact that there appeared to be a conspiracy between Burns and the other big middleman on the ranching frontier, the firm of Gordon and Ironside of Winnipeg (Gordon, Ironside, and Fares after 1897). Just before the turn of the century William Henry Fares and George Lane, both later partners of James Thomas Gordon and Robert Ironside*, usually worked with or for Burns in purchasing livestock. Gordon and Ironside generally bought the well-finished cattle that could be marketed in eastern Canada and overseas. Even some of Burns's close friends considered this splitting of the beef market to be evidence of unfair teamwork. Thus, for instance, in 1900 Alfred Ernest CROSS expressed the opinion that "there are practically only two buyers here, and in fact it nearly all comes through one as he sells the exporters to the other after buying all the beef and uses the rough stuff himself, thus leaving the seller more or less at his mercy." At this stage Cross was prepared to forgive his friend because "he has shown far more mercy than any one could expect." Three years later, however, he sounded less accepting. "We are trying," he said, "to get a reasonable price, and not sell our cattle for far less than they are worth as was the case last year. What we want is to establish a fair market without any favors so that we know we can get at any time the right market value for all or any of our beef cattle and not go round with your hat in your hand at the mercy of one or two concerns."
  FR:Biography – WOOD, AN...  
Voyant cela, une forte délégation de propriétaires miniers et d’ingénieurs des mines pressa Laurier d’opposer son veto à la loi en faisant valoir que, à toutes fins pratiques, elle privait les propriétaires de leurs droits.
No less prominent in religious affairs, Wood had been a noted lay leader at Hamilton’s Park Street Baptist Church. He served as a director of the Regular Baptist Missionary Convention of Canada West and as vice-president of the Baptist Ministerial Education Society of Canada. In 1878 he sponsored a bill in parliament to incorporate the Regular Baptist Foreign Missionary Society of Ontario and Quebec. In that year he subscribed to the erection of a new church building but he would never enter it as a member. “A quiet, shy man, although capable of decided opinions,” he left his church shortly after the 1878 election, evidently as a result of an argument with another member, and joined Central Presbyterian Church. After suffering from chronic bronchitis for several years, he died in 1903 at Elmwood, his residence on James Street South, and was buried in Hamilton Cemetery.
  Biographie – DICKSON, R...  
De plus, Prevost accepta de lui rembourser intégralement la somme de £1 875 dépensées l’hiver et le printemps précédents en marchandises pour les Indiens, et ce « à titre d’indemnité pour les éminents services qu’il a[vait] rendus au gouvernement de Sa Majesté par sa loyauté, son zèle et ses efforts pour amener les Indiens à prêter leur concours à la prise de Michillimakinac et de Detroit ».
British and Canadian fur traders in the northwest such as Dickson became increasingly bitter over American encroachment on their trading territory and by early 1812, with war between Britain and the United States imminent, they were anxious to cooperate with any military plans which might produce British paramountcy in the region. There is no doubt of Dickson’s own attachment to the British government. Motivated by these twin factors, he quickly responded to a “Confidential Communication” from Major-General Isaac Brock* which sought information on the loyalty of the Indians of the northwest and requested Dickson’s assistance in recruiting “your friends” for the British cause. In his reply of 18 June, the day the United States declared war, Dickson reported that he had gathered about 250 to 300 “friends” whom he would lead immediately to St Joseph Island (Ont.), the nearest British military post.
  Biographie – BIRGE, CYR...  
D'un tempérament rude et opiniâtre, Birge avait également atteint une position d'autorité dans le milieu national des affaires. Lorsque, en 1900, l'Association des manufacturiers canadiens se réorganisa de fond en comble pour exercer des pressions avec plus d'efficacité, il en était déjà membre depuis une vingtaine d'années et avait appartenu au comité directeur.
Brusque and opinionated, Birge had also taken a leadership role in the broader business community. He had been a member of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association for some 20 years and an executive member before the association undertook a complete reorganization in 1900 to make it a more effective lobbying force. Birge must have played a prominent role in this reconstruction since he was chosen as vice-president for Ontario in 1900, national vice-president in 1901, and president in 1902. In these capacities he was expected to promote the interests of manufacturers in the all-important areas of tariff, transportation policy, and industrial relations. During his term as president the CMA followed the recommendation of a special committee and struck a vigorous anti-union stance, specifically directed against any pro-labour legislation. In his presidential address of 1903 Birge proclaimed that the employer "must be free to purchase without interference such labor as he requires" and attacked the growing links between Canadian unions and their American counterparts. In subsequent years, he served on the CMA's important tariff committee. When a branch of the CMA was organized in Hamilton in 1909, he joined its executive, and in 1912-13 he served as chair.
  FR:Biography – TUYLL VA...  
Taylor désapprouvait vivement les exigences de la compagnie et, en 1838, il signala à Jones que « l’autocrate de Russie ne pourrait pas placer ses plus méprisables vassaux dans une position plus désespérée [et plus] dégradante que celle que la Canada Company a[vait] réservée au baron van Tuyll ».
It seems apparent that neither baron had any practical idea of the costs of the improvements which each contracted to make. Vincent had few problems in paying off the purchase price by August 1841, but it was minor compared to the improvements, which would nearly overwhelm his resources. Taylor was highly critical of the company’s demands and informed Jones in 1838 that “the Russian Autocrat could not place his meanest vassals in a more helpless degrading position than the Canada Company have placed the Baron de Tuyll.” The cost of forfeiture would be “about twenty times the original value of the purchase, and the purchase money to boot.” Such, Taylor concluded, “is the contemplated reward for improving a Wilderness!!”
  Biographie – McCARTHY, ...  
À la fin d’avril, sa femme soumit une pétition qui était signée par quelque 1 200 personnes et qui mettait en doute la cause de la « mort subite et mystérieuse » de son mari tout en demandant pourquoi « aucune mesure n’a[vait] été prise contre le geôlier et ses adjoints ».
AO, RG 20, F-15, 1: f.4, nos.159–60; RG 22, ser.134, 6, Gore District, 2, 4 Aug. 1834. Arch. of the Archdiocese of Toronto, M (Macdonell papers), AB07.08, .010; AC04.01–2, .05; CA07.04 (mfm. at AO). MTL, Robert Baldwin papers, A73, no.66. PAC, RG 5, A1: 78467–70, 78485–86, 78581–86, 78809–12, 79032–61, 81634–35, 81666–68, 81792–802, 83032–34. PRO, CO 42/423: 89–91, 95–122; 42/427: 25–64. U.C., House of Assembly,
  Biographie – CARLETON, ...  
Il ne respecta pas l’ordre de Dartmouth « de persuader les sujets nés britanniques de la justice et de l’opportunité de la présente forme de gouvernement et de la considération qui a[vait] été accordée à leurs intérêts », et décida non seulement de garder ses ordres secrets, mais de résister à tout mouvement d’anglicisation.
Meanwhile, he had been contending with Lord George Germain, who had replaced Dartmouth as secretary of state for the American Colonies on 10 Nov. 1775, and was now criticizing the conduct of the war. Hoping to influence strategy and bent on exercising his patronage, Germain endeavoured to get Carleton recalled, helped to put Burgoyne in charge of the projected invasion, and insisted on certain appointments, including that of Livius, on 21 Aug. 1776, as chief justice. Carleton’s retorts to these manifestations of “private enmity and resentment” were so intemperate that even the king, writing in March 1778, felt he was “highly wrong in permitting his pen to convey such asperity to a Secretary of State and therefore has been removed from the Government of Canada.”
  Biographie – HUOT, MARI...  
C’est avec réticence que les sœurs acceptèrent de tels changements, et sœur Sainte-Gertrude leur servit d’interprète auprès de l’évêque ; ce dernier redoutait « les graves inconvénients qu’il y a[vait], dans les communautés comme ailleurs, à faire tourner les autorités comme des girouettes » et se réserva le dernier mot.
of 3 December commented upon the Kingston foundation: “It is time for the daughters of the admirable Marguerite [Bourgeoys*, named du Saint-Sacrement], to go and carry the spirit and the virtues of their founder elsewhere.” It was the Congregation of Notre-Dame’s first mission in the modern sense of the term. Speaking about it the sisters admitted “that on seeing their premises . . . they began to envy Mother Bourgeoys’s stable.” On 9 Jan. 1842 Abbé Jean-Charles Prince* wrote to the superior, “The work of founding your institute in Kingston seems to me important enough to be of interest later for the ecclesiastical and religious history of Canada.” While the boarding- and day-schools were being organized in Kingston, the sisters had agreed to set up a mission at Red River (Man.), where in Bishop Joseph-Norbert Provencher*’s view the Hudson’s Bay Company wanted Canadian priests and nuns rather than French missionaries. But the bishop of Quebec had already made arrangements with the Sisters of Charity of the Hôpital Général of Montreal [
  Biographie – MacGREGOR,...  
à écrire dans un éditorial : « Dans les annales de la fraude commerciale, on n’a jamais entendu parler ou pris connaissance de malhonnêtetés plus scandaleuses que celle que [les promoteurs de la banque] ont commise contre les clients et les actionnaires de la banque. » L’éditorial demandait qu’on prenne des mesures contre MacGregor pour qu’il ne puisse pas « se moquer des malheureuses personnes qu’il a[vait] escroquées si abominablement et, en de si nombreux cas, réduites à la ruine ».
, the reaction to the affair “overwhelmed a shattered body and a wounded spirit” and MacGregor soon died of a “bilious fever and paralytic affection.” The article concluded: “Vanity was one of the passions which poor John M’Gregor, from an unfortunate nature and habit, could not control; and the abuse of it was, in truth, his worldly ruin.”
  Biographie – ROY, ROUËR...  
La femme de Roy avait hérité de son père, l’ancien maire de Montréal Jean-Louis Beaudry*, d’une résidence située rue Sherbrooke, à l’angle de la rue Sainte-Famille. Roy y habita avec sa famille jusqu’à sa mort survenue le 27 juillet 1905.
AC, Montréal, État civil, Catholiques, Cimetière Notre-Dame-des-Neiges (Montréal), 29 juill. 1905. ANQ-M, CE1-51, 23 févr. 1819, 7 janv. 1821, 22 janv. 1857. AVM, Dossiers de personnel, J.-R. Roy; Procès-verbal du conseil municipal de Montréal, 18 juin, 22 déc. 1875; 14 août 1905 (resolution no.59). Barreau du Québec (Montréal), Tableau de l’ordre des avocats, 1904–5. BE, Montréal, Testaments, no.16925.
  Biographie – OSBORN, MA...  
Nemiers, « repenti et parfaitement résigné », dégageait de toute responsabilité ses « honnêtes parents [...] qui [avaient] accompli leur devoir en lui apprenant à observer strictement le dimanche et à remplir ses obligations envers Dieu et les hommes [...] et ne jetait le blâme sur personne, sinon sur sa coupable complice [...] qui l’[avait] incité à une intimité et à une relation illégales il y a[vait] environ neuf mois, et [l’avait fait passer] du péché de l’adultère à celui du meurtre ».
The interlude of two days gave Tiffany time to interview the two convicts. Nemiers, “penitent and perfectly resigned,” absolved his “honest parents . . . who discharged their duty in instructing him in the strict observance of the Sabbath and his duty to God and man . . . and blamed none but the guilty copartner in the crime . . . who lured him to unlawful intimacy and connection about 9 months ago, and from the sin of adultery to that of murder.” She had first suggested “shooting the old man” and later raised the possibility of poison. Nemiers attempted to obtain poison at Ancaster, but “he there felt some remorse of conscience.” Later, his moral qualms resolved, he secured two ounces of arsenic and one ounce of opium from a “medical gentleman” in Canadaigua, N.Y. (Tiffany’s home after leaving the province in 1803). Insisting that “it was not the estate, but the woman he wanted,” and that a third party was involved in the crime, he confessed to causing London’s skull fracture with a shoe-hammer.
  Biographie – HILL, PHIL...  
Les députés conservateurs de Halifax, sûrs de perdre les prochaines élections fédérales à cause du scandale du Pacifique [V. Lucius Seth Huntington*], décidèrent de ne pas entrer dans la course et, avec le concours de certains journaux conservateurs, appuyèrent le candidat ouvrier Donald Robb. Piqué au vif, Hill écrivit que ce n’était « pas une mince affaire que de monter une classe contre une autre et d’entretenir l’idée qu’une classe privilégiée vi[vait] aux dépens du travailleur ».
The dénouement did not come until ten months later. Following dissolution of the assembly on 23 Nov. 1874, Hill became a Liberal candidate for Halifax County and shortly afterwards provincial secretary. Apparently it was to be only a first step upwards since Premier William Annand* made it known that he would soon be handing over the premiership to younger hands. In justifying his change of party Hill argued that with the disappearance of the confederation issue he could find nothing in the policy of the provincial government which he could not wholeheartedly support. He believed that what the provincial government most needed at the time was “hard-working, painstaking and efficient men, in the Departmental offices.” Various accounts offer explanations of his move to the Liberal camp: his abhorrence of the Pacific Scandal; his friendship with Jones; and his desire, as a man of leisure, to have a political career, with the Liberals being the only vehicle offering any chance of success. Perhaps all three factors played a part. Hill easily won election and at the outset 25 of the 38 members supported the Liberals.
  Biographie – MORIN, AUG...  
Morin s’y refusa, car il « avait regardé le mot confidentiel comme lui imposant l’obligation de tenir cachée la conduite qu’il a[vait] tenue dès le commencement de la négociation et pendant plusieurs jours après ».
The legislative activity of the Hincks–Morin government was varied and substantial. Hincks was interested primarily in railways; Morin, as provincial secretary and commissioner of crown lands, was particularly concerned with the abolition of the seigneurial régime, the separate schools of Canada West, and especially the transformation of the Legislative Council into an elective body, a reform he had supported since the 1830s. He was so convinced that an appointed Legislative Council was incompatible with responsible government that in the 1851 election he had announced his intention of resigning if he did not obtain satisfaction on this point. By 24 Sept. 1852 he presented a series of resolutions to make the Legislative Council elective. However, it was not until 1856 that the mlas passed such a bill, and it was accompanied by amendments that limited the effect of Morin’s proposals. By making an elected Legislative Council and abolition of the seigneurial régime part of the Reform programme Morin had removed the most popular weapons from the arsenal of Louis-Joseph Papineau’s Rouges; this action helped to secure the loyalty of the electorate to the Reformers. During these hectic years Morin devoted his leisure to preparing articles for agricultural journals, reading the latest books from France, and checking the standards of the agricultural experiments carried out on his property.
  Biographie – LAJOIE, JE...  
Mlle Lajoie, qui " a[vait] réveillé les courages " des francophones de Pembroke, selon Héroux, était devenue un symbole de la résistance à ce qui était perçu comme la persécution des Franco-Ontariens.
. When a petition and other protests did not result in the reversal of the school board's decision, several hundred people decided, at a meeting sponsored by the Cercle Lorrain, to follow the example of Franco-Ontarians in Green Valley (in Glengarry County) in 1916 and establish a "free" school outside government control, with Jeanne as its teacher. On 6 November, after speeches by representatives from the Cercle and the ACFEO, by Montreal editor Omer Héroux*, and by Jeanne herself, the École Jeanne-d'Arc opened with more than 50 students in the dining room of a private home. Jeanne, who according to Héroux "had lifted the courage" of the francophones in Pembroke, had become a symbol of the resistance offered to what was perceived as the persecution of Franco-Ontarians.
  Biographie – ROGERS, TH...  
Le 17 mai 1841, le conseil se réunit pour discuter du poste d’inspecteur des rues. En raison de l’« infirmité » de Rogers et du fait que « dans les circonstances, la ville a[vait] besoin des services d’un fonctionnaire actif et efficace », il résolut de déclarer le poste vacant.
97 Earl Street, listed in 1855 as unfinished and owned by the builder, James Renton, may be among Rogers’s latest designs. The careful interlocking of finely cut elliptical arches and quoins suggests his hand. Though Rogers is claimed to have had a part in designing George Okill Stuart’s great villa, Summerhill, none of the architect’s personal stylistic characteristics appear there. Rogers’s grandest late design may be the three-storey stone building erected at the corner of Princess and King streets in 1847 for the widow of Henry Cassady, a former Kingston mayor for whom Rogers had done work. The strip pilasters on the Princess Street elevation recall those employed at Plymouth Square, while the use of quoins superimposed on large ashlar plates is similar to the treatment of the corners of the J. S. Cartwright house.
  Biographie – COLCLOUGH,...  
Leur principal but était de faire remplacer DesBarres, qu’ils décrivaient comme un homme « tombé dans un gâtisme absolu et [...] complètement dominé par un aventurier à la personnalité infâme [James Bardin Palmer], sous l’influence duquel tous les pouvoirs du gouvernement [étaient] ployés aux pires fins [... et qui] dans bien des cas a[vait] agi comme un parfait escroc ».
To his dismay, Colclough, who had expressed great dissatisfaction with his salary on Prince Edward Island, found that he had really been well off there. As Governor Sir Richard Goodwin Keats put it in writing to London of Colclough’s arrival, “House Rent, Fuel, Servants Wages, and all articles of Provisions (fish excepted) are more expensive at Saint Johns than any place I know.” The chief justice found his legal business “heavy and multifarious,” involving lay pleaders without legal training and much criminal work from the rowdy Irish community in the town. He complained bitterly that he was for the first time in his life forced to live “in seclusion from Society” for want of money, and he was also required to defend himself against the charges levelled in England by William Roubel, who had put together a 16-item bill of indictment. Fortunately for Colclough, Colonial Secretary Lord Bathurst rejected out of hand most of the charges and required explanations of only seven, most particularly Colclough’s role in the affidavits business. Colclough’s actions over the affidavits were perhaps the easiest item to defend, and he did so resoundingly.
  Biographie – MAXWELL, E...  
Edward Maxwell était le petit-fils, du côté paternel, d’un menuisier et charpentier écossais qui avait immigré à Montréal en 1829. Son père, Edward John, constructeur, fonda la E. J. Maxwell and Company en 1862 ; cette entreprise spécialisée dans la vente au détail de bois franc appartiendrait à la famille jusque dans les années 1970.
Edward Maxwell’s paternal grandfather was a Scottish joiner and carpenter who immigrated to Montreal in 1829. His son Edward John became a builder and in 1862 founded E. J. Maxwell and Company, lumber dealers specializing in hardwoods, a business that would remain in the family until the 1970s. Edward John’s two sons, Edward and William Sutherland, would both become architects. When Edward embarked on his career in the 1880s, there were no formal programs of study in Canada and only a handful of professional schools in the United States. Thus, after graduating from the High School of Montreal at age 14, Edward followed the traditional route by apprenticing with a local architect, Alexander Francis Dunlop. Yet apprenticeship was less than satisfactory. Speaking to fellow architects in 1891, Alexander Cowper Hutchison, a leader of the profession in Montreal, would note that “heretofore the study of architecture in any of our offices has been something of a farce.” To augment his education Edward set off for Boston, then the dominant centre for architecture in the United States. In suburban Brookline were the homes and offices of America’s most famous architect, Henry Hobson Richardson (who died in 1886), and his frequent collaborator, landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted. By 1888 Maxwell was working for Shepley, Rutan, and Coolidge, the partnership that completed Richardson’s unfinished works. He remained there until 1891. Richardson’s influence on him was profound, as it was on countless young architects of the time.
  Biographie – MUIR, JAME...  
Malgré son égoïsme et ses méthodes traditionnelles, Muir savait reconnaître les nouvelles possibilités et prendre des décisions stratégiques spectaculaires. En 1956, au beau milieu de la guerre froide, il étonna les Canadiens en visitant l’Union soviétique.
with the Soviets, but more importantly it also allowed the Royal to underwrite Canadian wheat sales to them. In 1958 he went to China and reported with regard to the Communist Party that the “vast majority of the people of China have a government they want, a government which is improving their lot, … a government which stands no chance of being supplanted.” Shortly thereafter, the Royal opened a representative office in Hong Kong. At home, Muir sensed the need for the bank to present a more modern face and joined forces with Montreal mayor Jean Drapeau*, Canadian National Railways president Donald Gordon*, New York developer William Zeckendorf, and American architect Ieoh Ming Pei to conceive the Place Ville Marie complex, whose construction in downtown Montreal was announced in May 1958. The building – Canada’s first steel and glass corporate skyscraper – would signify the shift of Montreal’s economy away from the anglophone dominance of St James Street (Rue Saint-Jacques) and would give the Royal an iconic new head office dominating the Montreal skyline.
  FR:Biography – BURTON, ...  
Bien de sa personne, aimable et doté d’un bagout typiquement irlandais, Burton pouvait charmer et flatter, mais il s’était montré incapable de faire le poids contre les fins renards qui menaient l’Assemblée.
On Dalhousie’s return in September 1825, Burton left Lower Canada on an indefinite leave of absence under something of a cloud, still arguing about his salary. A reluctant resident at Quebec, he appears to have been more intent on advancing his career and financial interests than on the constitutional issues at stake in the rumbustious politics of Lower Canada. Yet for years after his departure, Canadian politicians and church leaders hoped he would return at the head of government, a dream Burton may have shared since he retained sufficient interest in the colony’s affairs to continue a correspondence with local politicians such as Denis-Benjamin Viger*, John Neilson*, and Louis-Joseph Papineau*. He did not come back, although he remained lieutenant governor until his death. Personable, gracious, and skilful with his ample Irish blarney, Burton could charm and flatter, but he had proved no match for the wily leaders of the assembly. There was much truth in Dalhousie’s judgement, despite its undisguised partiality, that “Sir F. has shewn a very weak & very vain mind – he has courted popularity in every step & in every act of his short Administration.” Again according to Dalhousie, the crafty local politicians had beaten him at his own game and, in the case of Bishop Plessis, left him “vexed and disappointed & humbugged.”
  Biographie – SMYTH, GEO...  
Quatre ans plus tôt, Penelope Winslow, fille d’Edward Winslow*, l’avait décrite comme suit : « jeune, belle, gaie », « petite chose insouciante et coquette qui n’a[vait] de cesse qu’elle n’ait un galant à son bras [... Elle était] agréable et d’un bon naturel, mais il n’y a[vait] pas une once de dignité dans son maintien. » Bien qu’elle n’ait pas été une hôtesse idéale pour la résidence du lieutenant-gouverneur, Smyth la chérissait ; leur amour commun de la musique et leurs deux jeunes enfants avaient créé des liens qui avaient aidé Smyth à supporter son exil au Nouveau-Brunswick.
Smyth had already demonstrated his political ineptitude before he was challenged over the timber fund. In 1818, during the first session of the legislature after he became lieutenant governor, he bickered continually with the assembly and supported the Council, which needed little encouragement, in its rejection of a number of bills. Probably he was trying to reestablish the authority of his office, much attenuated during Carleton’s long absence from the province. He revived memories of the earlier era by questioning the propriety of paying members of the assembly. He returned to this issue again in 1820 and 1822, to the considerable annoyance of Lord Bathurst, who wrote in June 1822: “I can neither approve of your having agitated the question without previously referring for my instructions, or in selecting a subject for discussion in which the Members of the Assembly were personally interested and consequently more likely to consider your recommendation as infringing on their Privileges.” The reprimand was accompanied by an ambiguous set of instructions that would have allowed Smyth to bring the quarrel to an end without losing face, had he shown any inclination to compromise. He chose instead to imply in a message to the assembly that Lord Bathurst would not tolerate pay for members; the quarrel came to an end only when he became too ill to continue it.
  Biographie – CAMPBELL, ...  
En 1826, dans une note où il signalait au major George Hillier*, secrétaire de Maitland, qu’il serait plus efficace de bannir que d’exécuter deux Noirs condamnés pour vol de moutons, il écrivait : « les neuf dixièmes des Noirs d’ici [York] et, je crois, de toutes les autres régions de la province, subsistent principalement en volant ».
Campbell was not without his prejudices. In an 1826 note to Major George Hillier*, Maitland’s secretary, on the efficacy of banishing rather than executing two black men convicted of stealing sheep, Campbell stated his opinion that “Nine tenths of the Blacks in this place [York], and I believe in all other parts of the Province Subsist principally by theft.” An observation the same year at Kingston that “men as lords of the creation have a right to inflict a little gentle castigation on our rebellious dames” occasioned both public notice in the press and private twittering among Kingston’s female gentlefolk. Yet, if the latter remark was conventional, his views on rape were not. The crime was “under any circumstances . . . of an abhorrent nature.” What concerned him was the tendency to call the character of the victim into disrepute during trials, “for the most common Prostitute is as much under the protection of the law, as the most virtuous woman, – and the violation of her person by force and against her will, is as much a crime.” Campbell lamented a situation in which “instead of trying the criminal fact, our time and attention would be occupied to little purpose in ascertaining the exact degree of female chastity.”
  FR:Biography – BURTON, ...  
Bien de sa personne, aimable et doté d’un bagout typiquement irlandais, Burton pouvait charmer et flatter, mais il s’était montré incapable de faire le poids contre les fins renards qui menaient l’Assemblée.
On Dalhousie’s return in September 1825, Burton left Lower Canada on an indefinite leave of absence under something of a cloud, still arguing about his salary. A reluctant resident at Quebec, he appears to have been more intent on advancing his career and financial interests than on the constitutional issues at stake in the rumbustious politics of Lower Canada. Yet for years after his departure, Canadian politicians and church leaders hoped he would return at the head of government, a dream Burton may have shared since he retained sufficient interest in the colony’s affairs to continue a correspondence with local politicians such as Denis-Benjamin Viger*, John Neilson*, and Louis-Joseph Papineau*. He did not come back, although he remained lieutenant governor until his death. Personable, gracious, and skilful with his ample Irish blarney, Burton could charm and flatter, but he had proved no match for the wily leaders of the assembly. There was much truth in Dalhousie’s judgement, despite its undisguised partiality, that “Sir F. has shewn a very weak & very vain mind – he has courted popularity in every step & in every act of his short Administration.” Again according to Dalhousie, the crafty local politicians had beaten him at his own game and, in the case of Bishop Plessis, left him “vexed and disappointed & humbugged.”
  Biographie – CAMPBELL, ...  
Cependant, peut-être plus par chance que par collusion, Campbell tomba sur des causes non litigieuses. Il échappa au blâme de Gourlay en raison du rôle qu’il avait joué dans ses deux acquittements en 1818.
Between 1818 and 1828 the administration of justice operated increasingly under the cloud of charges of partiality. A series of incidents from the trials of Robert Gourlay* in 1818 and 1819 to the dismissal of Mr Justice John Walpole Willis* in 1828 convinced many opponents of the administration that justice was not blind but cock-eyed. Perhaps more by luck than connivance Campbell drew assizes with non-contentious cases. He escaped Gourlay’s censure because of his handling of the two acquittals in 1818; Gourlay had defended himself, and one observer, Miles Macdonell, commented that “Judge Campbell gave him every latitude.” Seven years later the jury’s acquittal of Robert Randal on a charge of perjury saved Campbell from the public displeasure – in some quarters at least – that would have accompanied a sentence. Still, Campbell’s summation in this case has been considered unfriendly to Randal, and Randal himself had in 1820 claimed that Campbell was implicated in the judicial conspiracy to deprive him of his rights. Yet it would seem that the tar did not stick. Indeed, Campbell’s handling of William Lyon Mackenzie*’s suit for damages against the young toughs who had destroyed his types and press – the so-called type riot of 8 June 1826 – earned him a measure of approval from the Maitland administration’s most vituperative critic.
  FR:Biography – WHITWORT...  
Ce résultat ne déplut pas à Aylmer, car il avait « éveillé dans la population britannique un sentiment (jusque[-là] latent) » qui, toutefois, risquait d’« avoir de très graves répercussions s’il n’[était] pas utilisé avec prudence ».
Gale’s appointment alienated many moderates on both sides. Aylmer added to his unpopularity by refusing money to Montreal during a second outbreak of cholera in 1834 and by retreating to the governor’s cottage at William Henry (Sorel) during the height of the outbreak. Late that year the radicals won a sweeping victory at the polls, virtually eliminating the moderates from the assembly. Aylmer was not displeased with this result, arguing that it had “roused a feeling (hitherto dormant) in the British Population,” which might, however, “lead to very serious results, unless prudently managed.” He enthusiastically approved the formation of militant constitutional associations at Quebec and Montreal, and warned that the British minority were no longer prepared to accept domination by the assembly. He blamed the Patriote victory on “the Complacency with which the Canada Committee [of 1834] listened to sham Grievances” and predicted that the new assembly would be less reasonable than its predecessor. When the assembly met in February 1835, he made his prediction reality by refusing to issue money for the assembly’s contingencies. In return the house again refused supplies and complained that Aylmer was prejudiced against French Canadians. On 18 March Aylmer prorogued the legislature and called upon Britain to find a solution to the constitutional and financial impasse.
  Biographie – SMYTH, GEO...  
Quatre ans plus tôt, Penelope Winslow, fille d’Edward Winslow*, l’avait décrite comme suit : « jeune, belle, gaie », « petite chose insouciante et coquette qui n’a[vait] de cesse qu’elle n’ait un galant à son bras [... Elle était] agréable et d’un bon naturel, mais il n’y a[vait] pas une once de dignité dans son maintien. » Bien qu’elle n’ait pas été une hôtesse idéale pour la résidence du lieutenant-gouverneur, Smyth la chérissait ; leur amour commun de la musique et leurs deux jeunes enfants avaient créé des liens qui avaient aidé Smyth à supporter son exil au Nouveau-Brunswick.
Smyth had already demonstrated his political ineptitude before he was challenged over the timber fund. In 1818, during the first session of the legislature after he became lieutenant governor, he bickered continually with the assembly and supported the Council, which needed little encouragement, in its rejection of a number of bills. Probably he was trying to reestablish the authority of his office, much attenuated during Carleton’s long absence from the province. He revived memories of the earlier era by questioning the propriety of paying members of the assembly. He returned to this issue again in 1820 and 1822, to the considerable annoyance of Lord Bathurst, who wrote in June 1822: “I can neither approve of your having agitated the question without previously referring for my instructions, or in selecting a subject for discussion in which the Members of the Assembly were personally interested and consequently more likely to consider your recommendation as infringing on their Privileges.” The reprimand was accompanied by an ambiguous set of instructions that would have allowed Smyth to bring the quarrel to an end without losing face, had he shown any inclination to compromise. He chose instead to imply in a message to the assembly that Lord Bathurst would not tolerate pay for members; the quarrel came to an end only when he became too ill to continue it.
  Biographie – HOGSETT, A...  
Morris appuya par ailleurs la requête qu’adressa Hogsett au gouvernement britannique en 1833 dans le but d’obtenir un poste ; il le décrivit comme un homme « qualifié pour remplir n’importe quel emploi dans la fonction publique » et qui était « tenu en très grande estime par les distingués officiers sous les ordres desquels il a[vait] servi dans la marine ; dans la colonie, ajoutait-il, sa réputation [était] également excellente ».
In contrast to the hostility shown by Carson and Parsons, Hogsett had a close association with Patrick Morris*, the Roman Catholic leader of the reformers. By 1834 Hogsett was a vice-president of the Benevolent Irish Society, of which Morris had been president since 1822 and under whose tutelage the originally non-denominational society had become almost wholly Catholic in character. Whether Hogsett had converted from the Church of England to Roman Catholicism in the 1830s is uncertain, but in the attacks made upon him by the Protestant leaders of the liberal group, he was charged with apostasy. Morris, on the other hand, championed Hogsett’s appeal to the British government for a post in 1833, describing him as “competent to fill any civil situation” and one whose “character stands very high with the distinguished officers under whom he has served in the Navy; in the Colony it stands equally high.”
  Biographie – KEEN, WILL...  
Le premier candidat qu'il proposa à ce poste fut William Keen qui, « bien qu'originaire de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, sembl[ait] intéressé au développement des pêcheries [...] et a[vait] suffisamment de caractère ».
In fact the first “governor,” Captain Henry Osborn*, encouraged the magistrates to hear cases on a year-round basis, and also to settle civil disputes. Until 1732 there were many conflicts between the new justices and the fishing admirals. The latter had legality on their side, but the magistrates had the active support of the governors, such as George Clinton, and the passive acquiescence of the English authorities. By 1735 the migratory merchants, some of whom were staying on through the winter, either themselves became the magistrates, or controlled those who were appointed, and they ceased to oppose the innovation. Keen, as the leader of those who had urged a magistracy, now became the leading figure in Newfoundland. Successive governors, appointed only for a year or two and spending only a few months on the island, relied heavily upon him for advice and assistance, and Keen was able to monopolize whatever meagre official positions were created during his lifetime, becoming commissary of the vice-admiralty court in 1736, naval officer for St John’s in 1742, and Newfoundland prize officer in 1744. He was often criticized for his conduct as a magistrate, as in 1753 when Christopher Aldridge Jr, commander of the St John’s garrison, charged that Keen had jailed some of his soldiers without trial. His mercantile contemporaries characterized him as a man who used his official influence for private advancement and gain and was “carefull to keep in with the Commodores.” Though there is little doubt that he took whatever advantages came from his position, it is difficult to see that any man of this age would have acted differently.
  Biographie – WELLS, DAV...  
Bien que l’autopsie n’ait révélé aucune autre cause de décès à part la dépression, bien des gens eurent la conviction que Wells était mort parce qu’on l’avait brutalisé en prison. C’était un homme robuste, en parfaite santé.
Although a post-mortem examination showed no factors besides depression involved in Wells’s death, many believed that it had resulted from brutal treatment in prison. Wells was a robust man in the best of health, and his death followed well-publicized accounts of the cold-shower torture of two members of the International Bible Students Association and one Pentecostal by military authorities at Minto Street Barracks in Winnipeg during the winter of 1917–18. Hence Wells’s Pentecostal friends expressed resentment about the treatment he had received in prison, and they and members of the Plymouth Brethren petitioned the government demanding recognition as pacifists. William Ivens*, pastor of McDougall Methodist Church in Winnipeg and a pacifist himself, wrote to the minister of agriculture, Thomas Alexander Crerar*, charging that Wells had “been literally ‘done’ to death . . . by civil officials.” Ivens remarked, “It may be that his death was necessary to convince the Government that there are Conscientious Objectors in the Dominion outside of Pacifist Churches and Organizations who are prepared to die for their convictions rather than submit to perform military service.” The Trades and Labor Council of Winnipeg forwarded a petition to the Canadian government which called for an inquiry into the circumstances of Wells’s death, asked that its findings be made public, and demanded an end to discrimination against conscientious objectors who were not members of recognized sects.
  Biographie – MISTAHIMAS...  
, Gros Ours avait « décidé de se rendre à Ottawa [...] S’il y a[vait] un chef au département [des Affaires indiennes], il [voulait] absolument le trouver, car il n’entend[ait] traiter avec personne d’autre. » En avril 1884, à la tête d’une bande plus nombreuse – elle comptait environ 500 personnes – Gros Ours se mit en marche vers Battleford et, le 16 juin, plus de 2 000 Indiens des réserves de la Saskatchewan étaient réunis à la réserve du chef Poundmaker [Pītikwahanapiwīyin] pour prendre part à une danse de la soif organisée par Gros Ours ; ce fut la plus importante action collective jamais accomplie par les Cris des Plaines.
After Loon Lake the band further scattered before General Frederick Dobson Middleton*’s advancing soldiers, victorious over the Métis at Batoche on 12 May. KÙwīcitwemot had been killed at Frenchman Butte; Āyimisīs fled to Montana; Wandering Spirit surrendered and in November 1885 he and five others of Big Bear’s band were hanged for their part in the Frog Lake killings. Big Bear slipped past all the soldiers looking for him and gave himself up to a startled policeman at Fort Carlton on 2 July 1885.
  Biographie – COFFIN, si...  
En avril 1800, Coffin retourna en Angleterre en emportant, pour les préserver de la « perte », les preuves qui avaient motivé ses interventions, ce qui n’empêcha pas Duncan et l’amiral sir William Parker, commandant en chef à Halifax, de rappeler certains de ceux qu’il avait congédiés, dont Marshall, « car le public a[vait] très peu souffert de ses écarts de conduite ».
Because of Coffin’s professional abilities and his reputed knowledge of the fisheries, much “public utility” was expected to derive from his proprietorship. As an absentee landlord acting through agents he himself obtained nothing but aggravation. Like other proprietors in British North America of British origin, he wanted English-speaking settlers, but the islands offered them little. The Acadian inhabitants, who engaged in the walrus, seal, and cod fisheries, were reluctant to accept directions from Quebec rather than from Newfoundland as they had been accustomed to doing, and also resisted paying rent. After Coffin made his first and only visit to the islands in 1806, he tried in vain to have 22 families who had come from Saint-Pierre and Miquelon in 1792 with their priest, Jean-Baptiste Allain*, deported as
  Biographie – PATTERSON,...  
Il reçut l’Akins Historical Prize [V. Thomas Beamish Akins] à trois reprises : en 1874, pour son histoire du comté de Pictou ; en 1893, pour un essai sur l’immigration des protestants français en Nouvelle-Écosse ; et en 1894, pour une histoire de l’île de Sable. La Dalhousie University lui décerna un doctorat honorifique en droit le 28 avril 1896 « en reconnaissance de l’éminent service qu’il a[vait] rendu à l’enrichissement de l’histoire locale ».
The manuscripts of George Patterson’s three Akins prize essays, “A history of the county of Pictou” (1874), “A sketch of the French Protestant emigrations to Nova Scotia” (1893), and “An historical account of Sable Island” (1894), are preserved in the Akins Hist. Prize Essays collection at the Univ. of King’s College Library (Halifax). The 1894 paper was published under the title “Sable Island, its history and phenomena,” RSC
  Biographie – BURLEY, CO...  
Dans le rapport qu’il rédigea par la suite, Robinson écrivit que « la preuve était telle que la culpabilité du condamné ne faisait aucun doute [...] Il a[vait] fait une confession complète de son crime. » Toutefois, cette confession eut lieu après le prononcé de la sentence et non pas au cours du procès.
Burley had been the object of the attention of local clergy during the assizes. Jackson saw him “every day but one” and claimed, “Never have I witnessed so great an instance of obduracy and insensibility.” Eventually, however, the clergy’s discussions with the prisoner “wrought a victory over his unfeeling heart; he burst into a flood of tears” and confessed. Prior to going to the scaffold he received the sacrament of baptism and the Eucharist from the local Anglican clergymen. Jackson copied down the confession and read it from the scaffold before a crowd of some 3,000. Another minister addressed the throng and concluded with a prayer, whereupon the trapdoor dropped. But, as often happened, the execution was botched. The rope broke and Burley fell to the ground. It was some time before another attempt could be made because the sheriff had to buy a new rope. Throughout Jackson claimed that Burley was composed and “seemed as if the world was lost from his view, and his whole mind was devotion, prayer, praise, singing, and thanksgiving.” When all was again ready he walked to the scaffold “without any appearance of hesitation; but with the utmost composure, submitted to his fate.”
  Biographie – PORTEOUS, ...  
Parmi eux se trouvaient ses « installations bien connues [...] à Terrebonne [...] où il a[vait] résidé si longtemps » et qui regroupaient une grande maison, deux entrepôts d’une capacité totale de 60 000 boisseaux de grains, une remise, une écurie, d’autres bâtiments, tous en pierre, et un vaste jardin d’excellent rapport.
In 1816, before leaving on a voyage to England, Porteous willed to his wife the usufruct of his property and the annual income from a trust fund of £5,000. Upon her death the estate was to be divided equally among his seven children, with the exception that any unmarried daughter was to receive an additional £200. In February 1820 he announced his imminent retirement and offered for sale several “very valuable and extensive Commercial Establishments.” Among them were “those well-known premises . . . in Terrebonne . . . in which he so long resided,” comprising a large house, two stores together capable of holding 60,000 bushels of grain, a coach-house, a stable, and other buildings, all of stone, and a large productive garden: it was “one of the first situations for a country Merchant in the District.” He also offered for sale a contiguous smaller property with a stone house and gardens, a farm between Terrebonne and Lachenaie, and the properties in Sainte-Rose (where he had recently built a stone house) and Sainte-Thérèse-de-Blainville. The property in Sainte-Thérèse-de-Blainville included a large stone house, built in 1813–14 “of the best materials, . . . [and] laid out in a . . . superior style, according to a plan furnished by Mr. John Try[*]”; it also contained a potashery capable of producing 280 barrels a season and a 30-acre farm “in a high state of cultivation.” Porteous kept his residence on Rue Notre-Dame in Montreal. The estate he left on his death in 1830 can be assumed to have been substantial.
  Biographie – MOWAT, sir...  
» et où « les dépenses publiques échappaient à l’autorité du pouvoir législatif [...] état de choses auquel aucun peuple ne peut se soumettre docilement et en même temps être libre », il évoqua tour à tour les résolutions de 1841 en faveur du gouvernement responsable, l’obstruction systématique du gouverneur sir Charles Theophilus Metcalfe*, la résistance politique grâce à laquelle, enfin, « le gouvernement responsable a[vait] été instauré dans toute son intégralité », puis la période de « la domination du Bas-Canada », à laquelle le gouvernement Brown-Dorion, malgré sa promesse, n’avait pas pu mettre fin, en raison du « refus du gouverneur général de lui accorder la dissolution ».
, he appeared in person to advocate his view of the provincial jurisdiction. In this case a majority of the Supreme Court stepped back from a construction of the trade and commerce power which might have invalidated both the Crooks Act and the Rivers and Streams Act (the latter was yet to be passed). John Wellington Gwynne and Henri-Elzéar Taschereau*, the strongest centralists on the court, at once urged Macdonald to make sure the decision was appealed, since, said Gwynne, “the thin end of the wedge to bring about Provincial Sovereignty which I believe Mr. Mowat is labouring to do is inserted.” A year later the JCPC affirmed the decision, after a hearing which Mowat influenced by having the province assume the respondent’s costs and by briefing the respondent’s lawyers to argue that the provincial legislative jurisdiction should be broadly defined and the dominion prevented from encroaching upon it.
  Biographie – McNAB, ARC...  
À présent qu’ils connaissaient un peu « le pays, les us et coutumes [...] et la nature du sol », ils se voyaient accablés d’un « lourd fardeau qu’aucun des sujets de Sa Majesté dans la province n’a[vait] à porter et n’ [aurait été] capable de porter ».
However vital the issue of 200 acres was to Duncan McNab, the chief’s attention between 1837 and 1841 had focused on larger matters. He tried unsuccessfully to increase his land holdings and hence his revenues. In 1837 he complained to Governor Lord Gosford [Acheson*] of the settlers’ sale of lands and departure from the township. To prevent this continuing, McNab asked to be granted a trust-deed for the full 5,000 acres allotted to him in 1823, which he had forfeited in 1836. By restoring his direct control over a large area, the grant would supposedly enable him to make over lots only to those settlers who had discharged their obligations to him. Here was another example of his dissembling methods, for those of his settlers who wished to remain were certainly not offering their improved lots for sale and their number was relatively small. In June 1838 council accepted McNab’s proposal but in October it reversed the decision. He was publicly humiliated during the rebellion of 1837–38 when some 80 militiamen from McNab refused to serve under his command in the 2nd Carleton Light Infantry because of their objections to their settlement agreements with him and because he had legally prosecuted many of them. No confusion marked council’s deliberations in 1839 when McNab asked for the 5,000 acres outright with no mention of a trust-deed. He was again turned down.
  Biographie – ROSS, ALEX...  
En matière de religion non plus, Ross n’était pas conventionnel. Selon un article biographique, « il n’appart[enait] à aucune Église mais [était] un chrétien sincère, qui vi[vait] sa foi ». Si c’était le cas, il délaissa cette forme de christianisme à un moment quelconque de son séjour à Montréal car, à cette époque, il se mit à exprimer librement son expérience religieuse en énonçant les principes et croyances du « spiritisme ».
Édouard-Charles Fabre; Alphonse-Barnabé Larocque de Rochbrune]. Ross became the league’s president and several Quebec doctors, including Joseph Emery-Coderre*, whom Ross much admired, were also members. The league successfully challenged in the courts the imposition of compulsory vaccination. Ross and his associates first of all did not believe that vaccination prevented smallpox. Ross’s arguments underscored the serious divisions among doctors over the prophylactic value of the bovine vaccine then used on humans; indeed, the uneven quality of the vaccine at this time, combined with other problems of immunization technology, rendered vaccination a risky and unpredictable operation. In Ross’s view the serum used was a poison that often resulted in bad cases of smallpox as well as other diseases. But, in addition, Ross and the league considered compulsory vaccination an abuse of human rights and a “physical crime” that “tramples down parental authority in relation to children.” The anti-vaccinator was as much the opponent of despotism and the advocate of “Liberty over Slavery” as the abolitionist.
  Biographie – MACAULAY, ...  
Pendant le long et acerbe débat entourant sa destitution, Willis parla de Macaulay comme d’un « lieutenant à la demi-solde qui a[vait] cessé d’être juge à cause de [sa] nomination [celle de Willis] ».
In 1838 Lieutenant Governor Sir Francis Bond Head*, writing to his successor, Sir George Arthur, highly recommended Macaulay as “most excellent – man & lawyer.” More than 20 years later the writer of his obituary would note that “whether . . . as a soldier, a lawyer, a judge, or . . . a Christian, . . . in all his actions” can be traced “the same entire devotion to the calls of duty.” As a devout Anglican and a warden of St James’ Church for most of his adult life, Macaulay dealt with all sorts of parochial affairs including provision for poor relief. As a former army officer and militia colonel, he had directed the militia in the defence of Toronto during William Lyon Mackenzie’s uprising in December 1837. As a provincial judge with a capacity for hard work and a reputation for clear thinking, he was asked by Lieutenant Governor Arthur in 1839 to complete an investigation of the Indian Department begun by the provincial secretary, Richard Alexander Tucker*.
  Biographie – CROSSKILL,...  
Le prince Edward* Augustus, commandant des forces de la Nouvelle-Écosse et du Nouveau-Brunswick, était convaincu que « la personne dont la désobéissance a[vait] entraîné cette désertion ne pouvait être punie autrement qu’en étant chassée du navire ».
The reasons for Crosskill’s dismissal remain somewhat obscure. Prince Edward* Augustus, commander of the forces in the Maritime provinces, was convinced that “the person from whose disobedience this Desertion has happened can not otherwise be punished than by being dismissed from the ship” But Crosskill was not on board when the desertion occurred. He had dismissed the second mate for his negligence in allowing the desertion, but the man was later reinstated. It is known, however, that the prince was displeased about Crosskill’s having authority over the officers and soldiers on the vessel, and that there was friction between Crosskill and the army officers, whom he described as ill fitted for their positions. A family tradition holds that Crosskill disapproved of the prince’s companion, Mme de Saint-Laurent [Montgenet], and forbad his wife to attend social affairs where she would be present. Perhaps in reprisal for this affront, Edward Augustus had insisted that the captain be dismissed. Whatever the circumstances, Crosskill did not regain his position. In a memorial of 23 July 1796 he appealed for justice to the Duke of Portland, but without success.
  Biographie – VIAU, PIER...  
À titre d’exemple, il répondit à Viau que les enfants devaient obéir à leurs parents plutôt que de respecter le carême à l’encontre de ces derniers ; que les sacres n’étaient pas des péchés graves à moins d’être proférés durant une véritable colère ; que « vingt péchés mortels de différentes natures commis dans une année [étaient] moins embarrassants pour un confesseur que trois ou quatre rechutes dans un même péché mortel, parce qu’il y a[vait] habitude dans le second cas et non dans le premier » ; que, compte tenu de nombreuses références à quatre épîtres de saint Paul, toute relation sexuelle était défendue hors du mariage légitime.
Lartigue was too firmly convinced of the value of ultramontanism to budge in the face of such questioning or shades of interpretation. “It would be a serious error,” he stated, “to believe that the pope does not by divine right have pastoral jurisdiction over all the bishops in the world, and consequently that he cannot place them, move them, reinstate them, restrict or extend the limits of their jurisdiction.” If few proofs could be found in the first three centuries of the church that the pope had nominated or confirmed bishops in their respective sees, it was because documents of the period had disappeared as a result of the persecutions, Lartigue went on. For his part he considered that the foundations on which La Mennais and Muzzarelli took their stand, even for the early centuries of the church, were solid. Moreover, Lartigue gave little credence to theologian Mathias Chardon’s authority, especially because of his opinion on the supposedly priestly ordinations in the Church of England. Feller’s opinion seemed risky to him, and Bergier’s article on the bishops’ jurisdiction insignificant. As for Muzzarelli, he sounded more like an Italian than an advocate. Viau acknowledged defeat: “I am willing to believe that I was wrong. Your range of knowledge is much broader than mine.”
  Biographie – GLENIE, JA...  
On prétendit que Glenie avait parlé des « progrès gigantesques du despotisme tel [...] qu’on n’en a[vait] pas connu depuis l’époque d’Henri VIII, le prince le plus despotique à avoir jamais occupé le trône anglais ».
First to be challenged was Street, who was denied victory when the sheriff of the county scrutinized his votes and those cast for his opponent, Elijah Miles*, and then declared Miles elected, a decision eventually supported by the assembly. Another petition sought to have Glenie unseated because of the impact his accusations against the government had had “upon the minds and the fears of the Electors.” It was alleged that Glenie had spoken of “Such Gigantic strides of Despotism . . . that the like has not been known since the days of Henry the Eighth the most despotic Prince that ever ruled on the English throne.” Glenie was not unseated, but a clear indication of his political demise was provided when he dared to reopen the clerkship question. His motion in the 1803 session that the house choose a clerk was defeated by 15 votes to 8, and instead a motion was passed to make clear that this office “is a Patent Office, and the appointment thereof vested in the Crown.” If it was any consolation, Glenie’s attacks had taken their toll on the crown’s representative and Carleton was preparing to leave New Brunswick. Prior to the lieutenant governor’s departure in October 1803, his faithful and equally abused Council attempted a final defence against the charges so frequently levelled. In praising Carleton the Council testified that “we have had the honor, for many years, to be witnesses intimately acquainted with the inflexible integrity and disinterested purity of your Administration; and we consider our faithful testimony, on this occasion, not only as a debt due to personal merit, but as a document of public importance.” The need for the document reflected the severity of the attacks launched over the years. Moreover, the Council emphasized that “an equal regard to the Prerogatives of the Crown and the Rights of the People has been the constant Rule of your Government, which hereafter will afford a bright example to your Successors.” This was more than face-saving rhetoric for it revealed how deeply Glenie had stung the conscience and pretensions of Carleton and the loyalist élite.
  Biographie – FORBES, si...  
, notait Forbes, « avait reçu les ordres de son commandant en chef et n’a[vait] fait qu’y obéir à titre d’officier subalterne, sans s’interroger sur leurs fondements juridiques ». Or, poursuivait-il, comme le gouverneur ne possédait pas l’autorité législative nécessaire pour délivrer sa proclamation, le
(October 1817) Forbes complained that “Newfoundland has been considered as a mere fishery, and, by a political sort of fiction, every person in it is supposed to be either a fisherman or a supplier of fishermen.” Yet this view was “a great departure from the fact,” he noted, there being “a considerable Trade” from Newfoundland “independent of the Fishery.” Among his many other important cases relating to the fishery were
  Biographie – SIGOGNE, J...  
On disait de Sigogne qu’il était petit « et fluet de sa personne. Il a[vait] l’air modeste et même timide. » De santé fragile, il n’était « pas de forte constitution ». En Nouvelle-Écosse, il se plaindrait tantôt d’asthme, tantôt de troubles urinaires ou d’un « léger bourdonnement dans la tête ».
Occasional impatience notwithstanding, Plessis was a source of much consolation for Sigogne. He never failed to praise, and even to marvel at, all that the abbé was able to accomplish in his difficult mission. Even after 1817 he invited Sigogne to continue writing as in the past. As a parting gesture in 1815, the bishop had honoured Sigogne by placing his new church at Meteghan under the patronage of Saint-Mandé (Saint Mandal). After the great Clare fire of 1820 Plessis strove, none too successfully as it turned out, to ease the Acadians’ losses by gathering alms in Lower Canada on their behalf.
  Biographie – MACDONELL,...  
Le fait que le 28 septembre 1811 Macdonell occupait le poste de procureur général est la preuve de sa rapide ascension. Firth était rentré en Angleterre pour défendre sa comptabilité, et Boulton avait été emprisonné par les Français à Verdun.
Joseph Willcocks; Robert Thorpe*]; war with the United States seemed imminent. In this atmosphere of early 1812 Macdonell decided to contest the riding of Glengarry for the sixth parliament. His decision was probably influenced by his political friends, mindful of the need for a loyal assembly, and by the decision of his uncle Collachie, who had held one of the Glengarry seats since 1800, not to stand for a fourth term. Macdonells from various branches of the family had virtually monopolized the Glengarry seats since 1792 and in his election broadside John Macdonell reiterated the traditional social bonds of extended family and clan loyalty which characterized the Highland settlements of Glengarry, describing himself as “connected with many of you by the ties of blood, and possessing one common interest with you all.” In May, on a leave of absence from official duties, he travelled to the Eastern District with John Beikie, the first clerk of the Executive Council, who had been encouraged by Father Alexander McDonell* to contest the riding of Stormont and Russell. Archibald McLean, one of the priest’s political contacts in York and a friend of John Macdonell, wrote of their candidacy, “At this time it is particularly to be desired that the House of Assembly should be composed of well informed Men who are
  Biographie – THOMPSON, ...  
Dans un document présenté à l’appui de cette requête, William Botsford*, membre d’une influente famille de la région, disait que Thompson, « personne pleine d’initiative et de diligence », s’employait depuis environ trois ans à creuser au bout du marais de Sackville un grand fossé « qui [était] déjà et sera[it] encore fort utile à la population et lui a[vait] coûté beaucoup en termes de temps et d’argent ».
Details of Thompson’s activities are scarce. When applying to Surveyor General George Sproule* for a grant of land in 1817, he indicated that he had undertaken to build a road from Great Bridge River to Point Midgic (Midgic) and had already spent £364 of his own money on it. In a supporting document William Botsford*, member of a prominent local family, described Thompson as “a person of enterprise and industry” who had been engaged for about three years in cutting a large ditch at the head of Sackville marsh “which has and will be attended with great public benefit, and has cost him much time and expense.” That year Thompson obtained a government grant of £100 towards his road. In 1817–18 he was employed in cutting a canal from Mud Creek to Rush Lake, under the direction of the supervisors of the “great road” and the commissioners of sewers for the region; he was still trying to obtain full payment for his services in 1822. In 1821 he applied to the government for further assistance in constructing his road, on which he had spent another £136. He noted that his improvements enabled settlers to take up ungranted lands, facilitated the transport of timber and other materials, let in the tide “which overflows certain grounds, and the mud that is thereby left, will make good and beneficial Meadow Lands,” and prevented the flooding that had previously damaged the main road to Halifax. The result of his petition is not known.
  Biographie – ROBERTSON,...  
Tout en notant que, comme « homme d’affaires, il ne brill[ait] pas », Simpson écrivait en 1822 que Robertson était « un type distingué et agréable qui n’a[vait] aucune des idées étroites, étriquées et intolérantes si caractéristiques de la gentry de Rupert’s Land ».
Robertson was appointed a chief factor in the reorganized company in 1821 and was put in charge of Norway House (Man.). At this time he and Simpson – both of them energetic and audacious men – were in good accord. Although noting that as a “man of business he does not shine,” Simpson wrote in 1822 that Robertson “is a pleasant Gentlemanly Fellow and has none of those narrow constricted illiberal ideas which so much characterises the Gentry of Rupert’s Land.” But over the next decade Simpson developed the animus that is evident in his “Character book.” One can surmise that much of the reason for this change of attitude lay in the fact that the very characteristics which made Robertson invaluable as an aggressive leader in the conflict with the Nor’Westers made him seem bombastic and ineffectual in the routine work of the HBC after 1821, when, without rivals, it had no further need for men of dramatic action. Trade was now largely a matter of bargaining and accountancy, and Robertson had no flair for either.
  Biographie – RYLAND, HE...  
Ryland reprochait aussi à Prevost de courtiser Plessis, qui était « un tyran pour son clergé (bien qu’ [il] n’ [ait été] que fils de forgeron) et qui, sous le rapport de la duplicité, de la bigoterie et, de l’ambition, n’a[vait...] jamais été surpassé ».
Kempt’s successors, lords Aylmer [Whitworth-Aylmer] and Gosford [Acheson], consulted Ryland more on administrative than on political matters, profiting from his vast experience in procedure. However, they accepted courteously his political advice, the copies of his London correspondence of 1810–12, and several memoranda on political issues which it had been the lot of every governor since Craig to receive. Under Aylmer, Ryland’s conciliatory tack on government finances ended abruptly when the assembly refused to respond favourably to the Revenue Act of 1831, by which control of all colonial revenues was given unconditionally to the assembly in hopes that it would vote a civil list of some £6,000. The executive thus found itself without revenues to pay even the limited number of salaries and pensions it had maintained in recent years when no supplies were passed. Thenceforth, rather than seek an accommodation with the assembly, Ryland urged repeal or amendment of the act, a recommendation that the Gosford commission would make in 1836. Like many in the English party, Ryland also favoured union of the Canadas, an idea he had promoted consistently since 1810 at least. He remained a stalwart defender of the Legislative Council, but, consistent with his earlier opposition to the assembly’s actions in similar cases, he vainly opposed imprisonment by the council of newspaper editors Daniel Tracey* and Ludger Duvernay* for having published articles “libellous” of it. He also increasingly acted in that house as the regional representative from Quebec, introducing and defending petitions for improvement of the town’s roads, bridges, and markets.
  Biographie – GORE, FRAN...  
Il ne croyait pas possible de défendre la province contre autre chose qu’une « incursion partielle ou soudaine », même s’il estimait de son devoir, avait-il avoué à, Craig en janvier 1808, de cacher cette opinion « aux personnes de presque toutes les conditions dans la colonie, car il y a[vait] peu de gens qui agiraient avec énergie s’il ne s’agissait pas seulement de défendre les terres dont ils [étaient] de fait propriétaires ».
He had had enough of being a colonial governor. The province to which he had meant to bring harmony had rejected him. He had not only survived but had ended the squabbles in officialdom with which his term began; and, if his talents for civil government were not conspicuous, he had always applied them conscientiously. Neither his charm nor his patronage, however, could enable him to manage an assembly dissatisfied with his administration. His rigid toryism, while it prevented him from compromising with or even respecting political opposition, was not foreign to Upper Canada. Yet the limited range of his interest and his lack of active concern for economic growth kept him out of touch with all but a narrow circle of the people he had been sent to govern.
  Biographie – USBORNE, H...  
Le lieutenant-gouverneur sir Robert Shore Milnes, impressionné par l’esprit d’initiative d’Usborne, notait que, dès le début, il avait expédié « une beaucoup plus grande quantité [de bois] que ce qui a[vait] jamais été exporté du Canada en une saison ».
In England Usborne enjoyed the easy social and public life of a rich merchant. By 1816, when he married Phœbe Ann Birch, a daughter of the member of parliament for Lancaster and sister of a baronet, he had a country seat in Norfolk called Heydon Hall which dated from the 16th century. In 1824 he was high sheriff of Suffolk and had possibly already transferred his seat to Branches Park in that county. Ten years later he was leasing a mansion on exclusive Portland Place in London; he filled it with “plate linen glass china books pictures prints [and] wines,” and its stables contained several horses and carriages. By the time of Usborne’s death in July 1840, apparently while he was on a visit to the resort of Ryde, Branches Park boasted “Gardens pleasure grounds Offices and buildings,” and Usborne owned “farms Lands Tenements and Hereditaments” in Suffolk and Cambridge, and “Wharves and hereditaments in Canada.” To his wife he bequeathed £500, the use of all his properties, and the residue of his estate, and to his surviving daughters, of whom there were at least two, he left trust funds of equal value to be established from the proceeds – which he estimated would be around £20,000 – of the sale of his properties.
  Biographie – ARCHIBALD,...  
Galvanisée par ces déclarations, la chambre maintint sa position, même si celle-ci entraînait, avec le rejet des projets de loi de finances et d’affectation de crédits, tous les inconvénients qui y étaient liés. Ravi, Howe déclara qu’en raison de ses discours Archibald était « plus éminent qu’il ne l’a[vait] jamais été dans toute sa carrière politique », et Jotham Blanchard se montra presque aussi louangeur.
Uniacke died in October of the same year and Lieutenant Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland* made Archibald acting attorney general. But Maitland and the Council intervened in the contention for the chief justiceship by announcing that Halliburton would be sent to Britain, allegedly to remonstrate against the reduction of the duties on foreign timber imported into Great Britain. The real reason, however disguised, was to let Halliburton press his case for the chief justiceship. As a result, Archibald had no choice but to make his own trek to London. In Halifax it was wondered whether he sought the assistance of Lady Mary FitzClarence, the natural daughter of William IV whom the Archibalds had entertained royally in Halifax the previous year.
  Biographie – HARVEY, si...  
» Pendant son séjour à l’Île-du-Prince-Édouard, Harvey avait approuvé les « principes équitables, justes et libéraux sur lesquels se fond[ait] heureusement alors la politique coloniale de l’Angleterre » et avait critiqué la « composition anormale et imparfaite » du Conseil législatif de l’île.
Much of Harvey’s time was devoted to military affairs. Within 24 hours of his arrival he was embroiled in the Maine–New Brunswick boundary dispute by the arrest of Ebenezer Greeley, a census taker from Maine who had been working in the territory claimed by the British government. With Maine threatening to retaliate by occupying the disputed area, Harvey sent troops to Woodstock and Grand Falls and personally visited the area. His main objective was to deter American encroachments before they led to a confrontation that would engulf Britain and the United States in another war. Although the possibility of conflict receded during the autumn of 1837, the following spring Maine renewed its efforts to establish control over the area. Harvey was now placed in an awkward position. Because of the rebellions in the Canadas, New Brunswick was denuded of troops, and he was forbidden by Sir Colin Campbell*, military commander for the Atlantic region, from stationing troops, when they did arrive, in positions above Fredericton on the Saint John River. Yet between December 1837 and the spring of 1839 Harvey was responsible for conveying overland five regiments and two companies of British troops to Lower Canada, and the security of the route became his major concern. For this reason he sought to reduce tensions with Maine by releasing Greeley from prison, entering into a personal correspondence with the governor of Maine, John Fairfield, and turning a blind eye to Maine’s encroachments into the valley of the Aroostook River. In March 1839, however, Harvey decided that another show of strength was necessary and re-established a British force in the disputed territory, but he warned the officer in charge to retreat at the first sign of real danger. He eagerly assented to an agreement with the governor of Maine, negotiated by General Winfield Scott representing the American federal government, to withdraw the force if Maine would remove her troops.
  Biographie – BLAIR, AND...  
En 1895, un journal libéral le qualifia de « vieille barbe et [de] vieux tory » à cause de sa position sur le suffrage féminin. Dix ans plus tôt, il avait présenté un projet de loi qui aurait accordé le droit de vote aux femmes célibataires et veuves propriétaires, mais le Conseil législatif n’en avait pas voulu.
Sir William Mulock*, the postmaster general, who shared with Blair an interest in the regulation of utilities, attempted to find common ground between him and the Grand Trunk. Mulock suggested that the proposed transcontinental east from Winnipeg be built by government commission, be run by the Intercolonial, and serve as a common carrier for all lines involved in east-west trade. To the prime minister the idea of a government-operated railway was utterly repugnant and Mulock did not persist. Laurier did not object on this occasion to the government’s constructing a railway; the arrangement presented to the house on 29 May 1903 was that the government would build the eastern division but that it would be operated by a subsidiary of the Grand Trunk, the Grand Trunk Pacific, which was also to build and operate the western division.
  Biographie – SCHULTZ, s...  
qui fut un temps le seul de la colonie, attaquait ceux qui avaient soutenu le gouvernement provisoire, s’en prenait à la politique de conciliation du lieutenant-gouverneur Adams George Archibald et cultivait les bonnes grâces des volontaires de la milice canadienne, uniques protecteurs de l’ordre depuis le départ de Wolseley et des soldats de l’armée britannique régulière.
Schultz’s relations with Greenway over the issues of school and language legislation were a long record of weakness and deceit on the part of the premier. According to Schultz, the attorney general, Joseph Martin*, was “the ruling spirit in the cabinet and bull dozes Greenway into doing what he pleases.” Throughout the autumn and winter of 1889–90, Greenway repeatedly assured Schultz that his government intended only to save the costs of printing government documents in French and to create a department of education. At the same time Martin was talking openly of instituting secular schools to replace the dual public school system and of abolishing French as an official language. Greenway complained to Schultz that Martin was constantly getting him into trouble and that, when he remonstrated with him, the attorney general threatened to resign. Schultz felt that Martin was using the issues to cover up his corrupt activities.
  Biographie – RAMSAY, GE...  
Il n’avait pu accepter comme président, expliqua-t-il au secrétaire d’État aux Colonies, quelqu’un qui était si intimement lié à des journaux séditieux, occupait « son fauteuil avec une absence aussi notoire de justice, d’impartialité et de modération et annon[çait] publiquement son intention d’user de toute son influence pour contrer les désirs d’accommodement du gouvernement ».
The geologist John Jeremiah Bigsby* portrayed Dalhousie as “a quiet, studious, domestic man, faithful to his word, and kind, but rather dry,” adding that “he spoke and acted by measure, as if he were in an enemy’s land.” An anonymous Lower Canadian critic described him less sympathetically as “a short, thick set, bowleg man . . . often called the Scotch ploughman,” avaricious – “indeed saving was his chief object” – and extremely vain, “passionate & tyrannical or kind as the moment directed,” given to blaming his subordinates for his difficulties, a man who “tried and parted in anger with all parties.” “Ill luck hung over him,” this observer concluded. Despite the differences, both portraits – Bigsby’s through the suggestion of assailed loneliness – indicate that Dalhousie was not well suited by temperament to govern an obstreperous colony enjoying representative institutions with their accompanying clash of opinions and warring factions. Another contemporary, the author John Richardson*, later asserted that Dalhousie had not possessed the “quickness and pliability of mind . . . in all the degree necessary to the Governor of so turbulent a country” that was enjoyed by a successor, Lord Sydenham [Thomson]. Although no dullard, being a man of intellectual curiosity, wide reading and interests, and sensitivity to the beauties of nature, Dalhousie as a civil administrator manifested the tendencies to plodding and pedantry that had characterized his style as a military commander.
  Biographie – FORBES, si...  
Au cours du procès qu’intentèrent les syndics de la Crawford and Company contre la Cunningham, Bell and Company, en octobre 1817, Forbes se plaignit que « Terre-Neuve a[vait] été considéré comme un simple territoire de pêche et [que], par une sorte de fiction politique, tous ses habitants [étaient] censés être soit pêcheurs, soit fournisseurs de pêcheurs ».
Details about Forbes’s personal life in Newfoundland are elusive, though his wife in her old age described her years in St John’s as “happy.” There is evidence that Forbes gave some attention to local happenings; in 1819, for example, he chaired a public meeting to discuss the fate of the Beothuks. He seems to have enjoyed an acquaintance with many prominent inhabitants of the town, who testified, before his departure, to the “amiable, social, and affable manners” of one who had afforded them “so many intellectual feasts.” In the heated political atmosphere of the colony Forbes kept his judicial distance from the warring parties, and won respect from all hands. Even Hamilton never doubted his knowledge or sincerity. (It should be noted as well that Forbes later denied Hamilton had ever interfered with the administration of justice in Newfoundland.) According to the inhabitants’ testimonial, on the bench Forbes was known for his “uprightness,” “mildness,” and “patience,” his judgements being delivered with such clarity and persuasiveness that litigants who entered his court “confident of success in our causes, have retired from it, perfectly satisfied with judgments against us.” By 1821 the incessant work in court, together with the severe climate of Newfoundland, had affected his health and he requested a leave of absence in Britain. In May 1822, supported by a letter from his physician, the reformer William Carson, Forbes reported to Hamilton that his health “has suffered and is still suffering,” and asked for a leave of four months. Given permission to go, Forbes left St John’s on 7 May 1822. According to the
  Biographie – RAMSAY, GE...  
Il n’avait pu accepter comme président, expliqua-t-il au secrétaire d’État aux Colonies, quelqu’un qui était si intimement lié à des journaux séditieux, occupait « son fauteuil avec une absence aussi notoire de justice, d’impartialité et de modération et annon[çait] publiquement son intention d’user de toute son influence pour contrer les désirs d’accommodement du gouvernement ».
The geologist John Jeremiah Bigsby* portrayed Dalhousie as “a quiet, studious, domestic man, faithful to his word, and kind, but rather dry,” adding that “he spoke and acted by measure, as if he were in an enemy’s land.” An anonymous Lower Canadian critic described him less sympathetically as “a short, thick set, bowleg man . . . often called the Scotch ploughman,” avaricious – “indeed saving was his chief object” – and extremely vain, “passionate & tyrannical or kind as the moment directed,” given to blaming his subordinates for his difficulties, a man who “tried and parted in anger with all parties.” “Ill luck hung over him,” this observer concluded. Despite the differences, both portraits – Bigsby’s through the suggestion of assailed loneliness – indicate that Dalhousie was not well suited by temperament to govern an obstreperous colony enjoying representative institutions with their accompanying clash of opinions and warring factions. Another contemporary, the author John Richardson*, later asserted that Dalhousie had not possessed the “quickness and pliability of mind . . . in all the degree necessary to the Governor of so turbulent a country” that was enjoyed by a successor, Lord Sydenham [Thomson]. Although no dullard, being a man of intellectual curiosity, wide reading and interests, and sensitivity to the beauties of nature, Dalhousie as a civil administrator manifested the tendencies to plodding and pedantry that had characterized his style as a military commander.
Arrow 1 2 3 4 5 6 7