to fight corruption – Bulgarian Translation – Keybot Dictionary
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scitis.io
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Political leaders and governments have declared the will
to fight corruption
and crime in their election programs; others have used it as a key slogan while in power and a main tool for criticism of their opponents.
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riskmonitor.bg
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Голям интерес в медиите предизвика политологът Румяна Коларова, съавтор на доклада, която определи темата за борбата с организираната престъпност и корупцията като експлоатирана от всички партии. За някои партии това е акцент в предизборните им програми, за други е ключова тема на управлението им, за трети е основа на опозиционната им политика. Според Коларова е парадоксално, че и опозиция, и управляващи, и неправителствени организации, и медии вече 12 години съсредоточават работата си върху борбата с корупцията, но реален напредък няма.
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Political leaders and governments have declared the will
to fight corruption
and crime in their election programs; others have used it as a key slogan while in power and a main tool for criticism of their opponents.
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Голям интерес в медиите предизвика политологът Румяна Коларова, съавтор на доклада, която определи темата за борбата с организираната престъпност и корупцията като експлоатирана от всички партии. За някои партии това е акцент в предизборните им програми, за други е ключова тема на управлението им, за трети е основа на опозиционната им политика. Според Коларова е парадоксално, че и опозиция, и управляващи, и неправителствени организации, и медии вече 12 години съсредоточават работата си върху борбата с корупцията, но реален напредък няма.
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This can be achieved, firstly, by moving away from the fight against corruption per se -- characterized by large-scale public awareness raising campaigns and broad NGO coalitions -- and towards mobilizing well-defined constituencies behind focused governance reforms that have a clear impact and benefits for those involved. Secondly, citizens should be encouraged
to fight corruption
through the democratic mechanisms of political representation by supporting, among others, political party reform.
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As a starting point, the paper posits that while projects seem to have succeeded in raising public awareness and demand for reform, solutions to match that demand have yet to be found. The authors question both what reforms or change in particular the projects raised expectations for, and what success the implemented measures thus far may claim. The donor community's failure to meet the high public expectations that their projects fostered coincides with falling trust in democratic institutions in the region. The paper underlines the urgency to respond to citizens' needs and expectations. The authors of the case studies argue that the reviewed projects had only a short-term impact, if at all. Projects generally failed to create a self-sustaining constituency for further reform, and when success was achieved it often depended heavily on contingent factors such as the presence of a 'champion' or the availability of an exceptional level of donor resources for a single, receptive client. The most successful projects provided direct benefits to a well-defined constituency. In all cases, reducing corruption was one of the declared aims of the reviewed projects; yet interview material and project reports showed that none of the donors claimed that they had effectively achieved this goal.
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This can be achieved, firstly, by moving away from the fight against corruption per se -- characterized by large-scale public awareness raising campaigns and broad NGO coalitions -- and towards mobilizing well-defined constituencies behind focused governance reforms that have a clear impact and benefits for those involved. Secondly, citizens should be encouraged
to fight corruption
through the democratic mechanisms of political representation by supporting, among others, political party reform.
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As a starting point, the paper posits that while projects seem to have succeeded in raising public awareness and demand for reform, solutions to match that demand have yet to be found. The authors question both what reforms or change in particular the projects raised expectations for, and what success the implemented measures thus far may claim. The donor community's failure to meet the high public expectations that their projects fostered coincides with falling trust in democratic institutions in the region. The paper underlines the urgency to respond to citizens' needs and expectations. The authors of the case studies argue that the reviewed projects had only a short-term impact, if at all. Projects generally failed to create a self-sustaining constituency for further reform, and when success was achieved it often depended heavily on contingent factors such as the presence of a 'champion' or the availability of an exceptional level of donor resources for a single, receptive client. The most successful projects provided direct benefits to a well-defined constituency. In all cases, reducing corruption was one of the declared aims of the reviewed projects; yet interview material and project reports showed that none of the donors claimed that they had effectively achieved this goal.
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As for corruption, the results are no better. Once again, the report notes the lack of independent institutions
to fight corruption
. "There are very few high-level cases that reach court and many of those cases progress only very slowly in trial, with a disproportionately high number of acquittals. Investigations into alleged corruption and abuse of office by magistrates have received a particularly weak response from the judiciary."
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А още по-големият проблем е пренебрегването на борбата с корупцията в контекста на споменатото по-горе влияние на организираната престъпност върху политическия процес: "Случаите на корупция по високите етажи типично включват влиятелни публични личности; следователно те са тест за капацитета и независимостта на българската съдебна система. Тъй като корупцията и организираната престъпност често са свързани, подробните финансови разследвания са важна част от всяко разследване в тази област и от особена важност да се разкрият връзките между организираната престъпност и политиката. Тези аспекти не получиха подобаващо внимание в България".