ils déclarèrent – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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  2 Hits www.businessclass.ch  
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Lorsque les Français cédèrent leur enfant terrible de l'époque, le Canada, aux Anglais, ils déclarèrent n'avoir perdu que «quelques hectares de neige». Oui, le gouvernement semblait presque soulagé d'avoir été débarrassé de sa colonie.
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Language schools in England is a happy mixture of traditional scenery with sleepy villages, historic small towns and cities, aristocratic country seats and castles redolent of tradition, bracing moors, breathtaking cliffs, the broad plains of the Midlands – but also high-tech, world famous universities.
  www.urantia.org  
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75:5.3 (843.5) Quand ils apprirent ce qui était arrivé à Ève, les habitants du Jardin devinrent furieux et ingouvernables. Ils déclarèrent la guerre aux Nodites installés dans le voisinage. Sortant par les portes d’Éden, ils se précipitèrent sur cette population non préparée et la détruisirent de fond en comble.
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75:5.6 (843.8) The consequences of the follies of misguided parents are so often shared by their innocent children. The upright and noble sons and daughters of Adam and Eve were overwhelmed by the inexplicable sorrow of the unbelievable tragedy which had been so suddenly and so ruthlessly thrust upon them. Not in fifty years did the older of these children recover from the sorrow and sadness of those tragic days, especially the terror of that period of thirty days during which their father was absent from home while their distracted mother was in complete ignorance of his whereabouts or fate.
  greenmood.be  
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Lorsque les fascistes italiens s’allièrent avec les nazis allemands et qu’ils déclarèrent la guerre le 10 juin 1940, 19 000 Italiens se trouvaient en Grande-Bretagne, dont des centaines de réfugiés juifs italiens.
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When Fascist Italy allied itself with Nazi Germany and declared war on June 10, 1940, there were 19,000 Italians in Britain, including hundreds of Italian Jewish refugees. Over 4,100 Italians who had lived in Britain for less than 20 years were detained. Only 700 were fascists; the rest included prominent Italian socialist leaders, apolitical restaurant workers, and Jews – some snatched from ships about to sail for the United States. They were rounded up without benefit of tribunals when Churchill proclaimed: “Collar the lot!”
  www.orchidcorner.it  
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Lorsque les fascistes italiens s’allièrent avec les nazis allemands et qu’ils déclarèrent la guerre le 10 juin 1940, 19 000 Italiens se trouvaient en Grande-Bretagne, dont des centaines de réfugiés juifs italiens.
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When Fascist Italy allied itself with Nazi Germany and declared war on June 10, 1940, there were 19,000 Italians in Britain, including hundreds of Italian Jewish refugees. Over 4,100 Italians who had lived in Britain for less than 20 years were detained. Only 700 were fascists; the rest included prominent Italian socialist leaders, apolitical restaurant workers, and Jews – some snatched from ships about to sail for the United States. They were rounded up without benefit of tribunals when Churchill proclaimed: “Collar the lot!”
  6 Hits www.biographi.ca  
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Portlock et Dixon, qui trafiquaient pour une firme concurrente, la Richard Cadman Etches and Company (communément appelée la King George’s Sound Company), prétendirent que Meares était un intrus dans un trafic qu’ils déclarèrent leur appartenir exclusivement, par suite d’un accord avec l’East India Company et la South Sea Company.
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, under William Tipping. Meares may have been the principal owner of the Bengal Fur Company, the firm that organized the expedition; he was certainly its guiding spirit. He traded in Alaskan waters and wintered in Prince William Sound, where 23 of his crew died of scurvy. In May 1787 captains Nathaniel Portlock and George Dixon* found him there, his ships trapped in the ice. Portlock and Dixon, trading for the rival Richard Cadman Etches and Company (commonly called the King George’s Sound Company), claimed that Meares was an interloper in a trade they declared was exclusively theirs by arrangement with the East India and South Sea companies. These two bodies together held a monopoly of British trade between the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn, and had the power to grant licences for commercial activity in their territory. Though captured, in effect, by Portlock and Dixon, Meares was released on bond with the understanding that he would sail directly for Macao (near Canton, People’s Republic of China) and not return to the northwest coast. In the event, Meares resumed his trading on the coast, sailing to Macao only after he had obtained a saleable cargo. Dixon later charged that Meares was ungracious in accepting the help rendered by his rescuers.
  eipcp.net  
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Les deux plénipotentiaires Polvérel et Sonthonax, qui avaient été envoyés par la France pour rétablir l’ordre dans les affaires des colonies, ne pouvaient ni ne voulaient intervenir – ils déclarèrent bien plutôt l’abolition de l’esclavage.
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He used the slogans of the French Revolution to mobilize the Black soldiers, fighting under the flag of the Spanish king, for battle against the revolutionary France of the period. Neither of the authorized representatives, Polvérel and Sonthonax, who had been dispatched from France to restore order in the colony’s affairs, were able or willing to intervene; on the contrary, they declared the abolition of slavery. But they weren’t exactly authorized to do so, and the Convention in Paris still couldn’t bring itself to decide on the matter. In the meantime, Toussaint L’Ouverture’s troops made further substantial territorial gains for Spain. It was only six months later – in January 1794 and under Jacobin hegemony in the National Convention – that the abolition of slavery was declared in all the colonies. In May, news of the ratification of the decree reached Toussaint L’Ouverture. He immediately decided to turn his back on the Spaniards, switched his allegiance to the Republic, won back all the conquered territories, this time for France, and captured the Spanish, and later the English, counter-revolutionary positions. From that day forward, the conquest of territory was no longer about mere tactics; it was about a revolutionary strategy. For Toussaint L’Ouverture, the liberation struggle was now an integral part of the French Revolution, and the victory for France a component of the liberation struggle. This example is a reminder of the history of a struggle, which to this day is largely absent from the historiography of eighteenth-century revolutions: the history of an anti-colonial, revolutionary liberation and of political subjectivation, for which the mere fact of ‘speaking for oneself’ is simply not enough.2 In this paper, it will be suggested that the question of universalism be posed the other way round, as it were. Why was it always assumed, in the way the revolution in San Domingo/Haiti has traditionally been perceived, that both the revolution and revolutionary discourse radiated outwards from France and reached the Caribbean islands, rather than the reverse? Why is universalist criticism always predicated on the assumption that universalism’s perspective goes from the hegemonic centre to the fringes? And why are marginalized positions in common perception and historiography denied the perspective on the whole?
  transversal.at  
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Les deux plénipotentiaires Polvérel et Sonthonax, qui avaient été envoyés par la France pour rétablir l’ordre dans les affaires des colonies, ne pouvaient ni ne voulaient intervenir – ils déclarèrent bien plutôt l’abolition de l’esclavage.
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He used the slogans of the French Revolution to mobilize the Black soldiers, fighting under the flag of the Spanish king, for battle against the revolutionary France of the period. Neither of the authorized representatives, Polvérel and Sonthonax, who had been dispatched from France to restore order in the colony’s affairs, were able or willing to intervene; on the contrary, they declared the abolition of slavery. But they weren’t exactly authorized to do so, and the Convention in Paris still couldn’t bring itself to decide on the matter. In the meantime, Toussaint L’Ouverture’s troops made further substantial territorial gains for Spain. It was only six months later – in January 1794 and under Jacobin hegemony in the National Convention – that the abolition of slavery was declared in all the colonies. In May, news of the ratification of the decree reached Toussaint L’Ouverture. He immediately decided to turn his back on the Spaniards, switched his allegiance to the Republic, won back all the conquered territories, this time for France, and captured the Spanish, and later the English, counter-revolutionary positions. From that day forward, the conquest of territory was no longer about mere tactics; it was about a revolutionary strategy. For Toussaint L’Ouverture, the liberation struggle was now an integral part of the French Revolution, and the victory for France a component of the liberation struggle. This example is a reminder of the history of a struggle, which to this day is largely absent from the historiography of eighteenth-century revolutions: the history of an anti-colonial, revolutionary liberation and of political subjectivation, for which the mere fact of ‘speaking for oneself’ is simply not enough.2 In this paper, it will be suggested that the question of universalism be posed the other way round, as it were. Why was it always assumed, in the way the revolution in San Domingo/Haiti has traditionally been perceived, that both the revolution and revolutionary discourse radiated outwards from France and reached the Caribbean islands, rather than the reverse? Why is universalist criticism always predicated on the assumption that universalism’s perspective goes from the hegemonic centre to the fringes? And why are marginalized positions in common perception and historiography denied the perspective on the whole?