on imagine mal – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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D’autant plus que l’article 23 a été rédigé d’une façon si précise et qu’il garantit un droit si spécifique à un nombre si limité de titulaires qu’on imagine mal comment une restriction aussi absolue que celle du chapitre VIII, quelle que soit sa légitimité, pourrait être considérée autrement que comme une dérogation prohibée à ce droit.
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This is especially true as s. 23 was worded so precisely and guarantees such a specific right, to such a limited number of individuals, that it is hard to see how such an absolute limitation as that in Chapter VIII, however legitimate, could be regarded as other than a prohibited invasion of this right.
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D’autant plus que l’article 23 a été rédigé d’une façon si précise et qu’il garantit un droit si spécifique à un nombre si limité de titulaires qu’on imagine mal comment une restriction aussi absolue que celle du chapitre VIII, quelle que soit sa légitimité, pourrait être considérée autrement que comme une dérogation prohibée à ce droit.
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This is especially true as s. 23 was worded so precisely and guarantees such a specific right, to such a limited number of individuals, that it is hard to see how such an absolute limitation as that in Chapter VIII, however legitimate, could be regarded as other than a prohibited invasion of this right.
  www.swissworld.org  
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Le Palais fédéral, siège du Parlement suisse, coiffé d'un imposant dôme vert, domine l'Aar, rivière dont les méandres enserrent la capitale. Aucun édifice ne symbolise aussi bien la ville de Berne, au point qu'on imagine mal à quoi elle a pu ressembler avant la construction du monument.
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In 2004 the square in front of the Bundeshaus, formerly used mainly as a car park, was redesigned. It was repaved with granite slabs from the Alps, and 26 water jets - one for each canton - were hidden at surface level. These have proved a popular attraction, especially on hot days. The new square has won two international prizes.
  www.forum-avignon.org  
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Difficile donc de croire totalement à la solution miracle que serait la disparition des intermédiaires si les activités de gestion, trop chronophages, empiètent sur le travail artistique… Si l’on imagine mal une touche-à-tout comme Eliz confier naïvement les rennes de son groupe à un producteur, l’aide d’un bookeur ou d’un attaché de presse seraient les bienvenus.
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“You learn a lot through trial and errors. With each new EP released, we learned about a new aspect of our business: the importance of organizing a release party, of starting our promotion campaigns way before the release date… This knowledge might seem obvious now, but we acquired it gradually”
  parl.gc.ca  
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On imagine mal arriver avec des sacs plein d'argent à distribuer aux femmes, quoique ça semble être fait dans d'autres circonstances, où l'on en distribue à des chefs de guerre et même à des chefs d'État.
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Like you, I think the real challenge is developing programs. We can hardly expect to show up with bags full of money ready to be handed out to women, even though that seems to be the case in other situations, with money being handed over to warlords and even heads of state. We still need to come up with something a bit more sophisticated than that.
  www.attorneygeneral.jus.gov.on.ca  
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Dans le contexte juridique, on imagine mal que le nombre de causes ou de clients pouvant nécessiter des conseils ou une représentation puisse être fonction de la disponibilité de l'aide juridique. Par conséquent, la demande de services juridiques assistés créée par le fournisseur découle principalement de deux sources.
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Supplier-induced demand has been defined in various ways, but the central idea is that a professional advisor can, because of his or her informational advantage, increase the amount of services that the client would like to use. The mere fact that the impetus to use the services comes from the professional and not from the client is not in itself necessarily a cause for concern; we assume, by and large, that professionals will honestly advise clients as to the appropriate course of action. Thus, services obtained through supplier-induced demand should be considered a cost only when they exceed the quantity of services that have been deemed appropriate, according to some normative criteria. In the context of legal aid, the appropriate normative criterion to apply is not the competitive market outcome; presumably, we have a system of legal aid because we believe that the market, left to itself, does not supply enough legal services to low-income earners. Rather, the question is whether the legal aid authority, if fully informed, would have funded the service. If not, then the authority's demand for the service is supplier-induced.
  www.international.gc.ca  
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Il s’agit là, me semble-t-il, d’une limite raisonnable à l’abdication de responsabilité en faveur des acteurs non-étatiques. En effet, on imagine mal la société civile internationale s’organiser hors des cadres étatiques pour palier à ce vide.
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And yet, having stated the need for liberal democracies to place the emphasis on exporting their standards of justice and their commitment to the rule of law, Gary Bass, whom I mentioned earlier, points out the most serious obstacle to the spread of these ideas, which others might consider a kind of legal and law-enforcement imperialism. Bass argues that the liberal democracies involved in these international justice projects consistently decline to make the ultimate commitment on the ground, if such an effort puts the lives of their soldiers at risk. This is where the distinction between the various types of peace officers becomes significant. According to the legal meaning of that expression in Canadian law, police officers who serve in Canada are peace officers; Canadian troops in Bosnia are not. This is an inexplicable lacuna in an international legal order that invests more than $200 million a year in a criminal justice exercise that still has not resolved its growing pains when it comes to intervention. The moderate use of force to apprehend internationally indicted war criminals rests on a relatively solid bedrock of legitimacy and legality, but it demands that states make a political and operational commitment. It seems to me that this is a reasonable limitation on the extent to which responsibility may be abdicated to non-state actors. It is difficult to imagine how international civil society could organize itself outside the state framework to fill this lacuna. We are all familiar with Doctors Without Borders, Reporters Without Borders and Lawyers Without Borders, but it is harder to envision Police Without Borders. It is these inevitable limitations on the privatization of state functions that should prompt international organizations to give serious thought to the question of which functions properly fall to them.
  www.dfait.gc.ca  
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Il s’agit là, me semble-t-il, d’une limite raisonnable à l’abdication de responsabilité en faveur des acteurs non-étatiques. En effet, on imagine mal la société civile internationale s’organiser hors des cadres étatiques pour palier à ce vide.
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And yet, having stated the need for liberal democracies to place the emphasis on exporting their standards of justice and their commitment to the rule of law, Gary Bass, whom I mentioned earlier, points out the most serious obstacle to the spread of these ideas, which others might consider a kind of legal and law-enforcement imperialism. Bass argues that the liberal democracies involved in these international justice projects consistently decline to make the ultimate commitment on the ground, if such an effort puts the lives of their soldiers at risk. This is where the distinction between the various types of peace officers becomes significant. According to the legal meaning of that expression in Canadian law, police officers who serve in Canada are peace officers; Canadian troops in Bosnia are not. This is an inexplicable lacuna in an international legal order that invests more than $200 million a year in a criminal justice exercise that still has not resolved its growing pains when it comes to intervention. The moderate use of force to apprehend internationally indicted war criminals rests on a relatively solid bedrock of legitimacy and legality, but it demands that states make a political and operational commitment. It seems to me that this is a reasonable limitation on the extent to which responsibility may be abdicated to non-state actors. It is difficult to imagine how international civil society could organize itself outside the state framework to fill this lacuna. We are all familiar with Doctors Without Borders, Reporters Without Borders and Lawyers Without Borders, but it is harder to envision Police Without Borders. It is these inevitable limitations on the privatization of state functions that should prompt international organizations to give serious thought to the question of which functions properly fall to them.