ont essaimé – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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  www.eurotopics.net  
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Les indignés espagnols ont essaimé
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Spain's indignant spread seeds of rebellion
  parl.gc.ca  
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M. John Cummins: Au paragraphe 30.52, vous parlez d'un étudiant diplômé de l'Université de Victoria qui mène à l'heure actuelle des études de terrain sur les interactions entre les deux types de saumon; il s'agit de voir si les saumons de l'Atlantique évadés ont essaimé.
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Mr. John Cummins: You mention at 30.52 that a graduate student at the University of Victoria is currently working on interactions in the field. He is looking for escaped Atlantics to see whether they have established colonies. Then in 30.72 you make it very clear that the fisheries should expand and improve the Atlantic salmon watch program.
  www.wto.int  
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Par contre, le concept de pays d'origine pour les biens manufacturés est devenu progressivement obsolète au fur et à mesure que les diverses opérations de conception, de fabrication de composants, d'assemblage et de commercialisation ont essaimé dans le monde, créant des chaînes de production internationales.
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Today, Port wine is still of Portuguese origin. Thanks to progress on registered designations of origin, the English importer today is in fact more certain of this than his 19th Century counterpart. However, the concept of country of origin for manufactured goods has gradually become obsolete as the various operations, from the design of the product to the manufacture of the components, assembly and marketing have spread across the world, creating international production chains. Nowadays, more and more products are "Made in the World" rather than "Made in the UK" or "Made in France".
  exportateursavertis.ca  
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« Après quelques mois, l’équipe marketing en question a été dissoute et ses membres ont essaimé vers d’autres entreprises de la région… en gardant notre numéro de téléphone, raconte M. Hyams. Cela a fait boule de neige. »
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“After a few months, that marketing unit was dissolved and those people went to other companies in the Bay area and they brought us with them,” says Hyams. “We just grew from there.”
  www.spoonful.sg  
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Comme leur fondateur, Jérôme LeRoyer de la Dauversière, homme de prière et d’action, ces six femmes religieuses hospitalières, «ces envoyées du ciel», comme les appelait le vicaire-général de l’époque, ont commencé dans le soin des lépreux parmi nous les soins hospitaliers qui ont essaimé dans toutes les Maritimes.
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«With this time of the seasons, when the harvest brings joy to many, our region wishes to celebrate on this September 21, the 135th anniversary of the arrival of the Religieuses Hospitalières de Saint-Joseph as the best harvest ever.  We want to celebrate the arrival of those women who wrote the most beautiful page of our history by taking care of the lepers.  They were six nuns who initiated the care of lepers and who made of those sick people the miraculously cured of our history.  By leaving Montreal in 1868, Mother Pagé, the nuns, Viger known as St-Jean-de-Goto, Quesnel, Breault, Bonin, and Fournier, known as Lumina, took on the leprosy plague that could have completely wiped out a population.  Like their founder,  Jérôme LeRoyer de la Dauversière, a man of prayer and actions, those six nuns, «those heavenly sent women», as they were referred to by the vicar- general of the era, started in the care of lepers in our midst, hospital care that expanded throughout the Maritimes.  They awakened in the sick the Christian sense of accepted sufferance, deeply rooted in the mystery of Easter.  Thanks to those nuns, experiencing the mystery of the love of God through those rejects of society, the lepers would no longer be the objects of curiosity, but persons to love, to accompany and to cure.   Those women, armed above all with the skills of the heart, brought back those marginalized beings on the road of human and Christian dignity.
  www.lebendige-traditionen.ch  
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Dans le Pays-d'Enhaut, les découpages se nourrissent souvent des symboles d'une Suisse idyllique, à la suite des deux grands maîtres locaux : Johann-Jakob Hauswirth (1809-1871) et Louis Saugy (1871-1953). Depuis cette région, les découpages d'inspiration populaire ont essaimé dans toute la Suisse, et tout particulièrement dans le Saanenland, le Simmental et le canton de Fribourg.
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Sometimes, a simple piece of paper can capture all the poetry of alpine traditions. This minor miracle is made possible by the art of découpage, in which lace-like patterns are meticulously cut with scissors or a craft knife. Traditionally done in a single piece and only in black and white, découpage can nevertheless take on all sorts of shades and forms, sometimes appearing as a collection of papers in different colours pasted together. The most modern proponents are fond of asymmetrical, graphical and abstract motifs. Traditionalists, meanwhile, favour scenes such as a cattle drive or cheese making, the traditional habitat with its wooden chalets and houses, floral compositions or hearts with geometric motifs. In the Pays d’Enhaut region, découpage often depicts symbols of a Swiss idyll after the two great local masters: Johann-Jakob Hauswirth (1809-1871) and Louis Saugy (1871-1953). Découpage inspired by local life has spread from this region to the whole of Switzerland, especially the Saanenland, the Simmen Valley and the canton of Fribourg. There are artists all over the country, however, and their national association now has more than 500 members. Even so, there is still no school in Switzerland teaching this art, so it is very often practised by self-taught independent artisans.
  www.lebendigetraditionen.ch  
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Dans le Pays-d'Enhaut, les découpages se nourrissent souvent des symboles d'une Suisse idyllique, à la suite des deux grands maîtres locaux : Johann-Jakob Hauswirth (1809-1871) et Louis Saugy (1871-1953). Depuis cette région, les découpages d'inspiration populaire ont essaimé dans toute la Suisse, et tout particulièrement dans le Saanenland, le Simmental et le canton de Fribourg.
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Sometimes, a simple piece of paper can capture all the poetry of alpine traditions. This minor miracle is made possible by the art of découpage, in which lace-like patterns are meticulously cut with scissors or a craft knife. Traditionally done in a single piece and only in black and white, découpage can nevertheless take on all sorts of shades and forms, sometimes appearing as a collection of papers in different colours pasted together. The most modern proponents are fond of asymmetrical, graphical and abstract motifs. Traditionalists, meanwhile, favour scenes such as a cattle drive or cheese making, the traditional habitat with its wooden chalets and houses, floral compositions or hearts with geometric motifs. In the Pays d’Enhaut region, découpage often depicts symbols of a Swiss idyll after the two great local masters: Johann-Jakob Hauswirth (1809-1871) and Louis Saugy (1871-1953). Découpage inspired by local life has spread from this region to the whole of Switzerland, especially the Saanenland, the Simmen Valley and the canton of Fribourg. There are artists all over the country, however, and their national association now has more than 500 members. Even so, there is still no school in Switzerland teaching this art, so it is very often practised by self-taught independent artisans.
  www.christianberst.com  
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Ainsi, critiquer la notion d’art brut uniquement à travers la pensée dubuffetienne des années 1940 est inepte à plus d’un titre : c’est d’abord nier d’innombrables manières d’arpenter ce territoire qui ont essaimé au XXe siècle, de Hans Prinzhorn à Harald Szeemann, d’André Breton à Massimiliano Gioni, pour ne citer qu’eux.
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Thus, to criticize the notion of Art Brut uniquely through the Dubuffetian thought of the 1940s is inept in more than one way: first, it is a denial of the innumerable ways of surveying this domain that appeared in the 20th century, from Hans Prinzhorn to Harald Szeemann, from André Breton to Massimiliano Gioni, to name but a few.
  www.africaneconomicoutlook.org  
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Des mutuelles de santé ont essaimé pour tenter de résoudre ce problème : il existe 217 mutuelles de santé communautaires et 20 mutuelles d’envergure nationale, couvrant environ 609 000 bénéficiaires en 2011.
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Social security coverage remains low in Senegal. Mutual health-insurance companies have proliferated in response to this problem, and there were 217 local and 20 national mutual health-insurance companies, providing coverage to around 609 000 people in 2011. Nevertheless, the coverage rate remains low, targeting is not done correctly, resources are insufficient and action taken lacks co‑ordination.
  www.republicart.net  
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Cette "glissement fondateur" se trouve aux origines du mouvement altermondialiste. Il suffit de penser à la manière dont des noms comme Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, ou Kein Mensch ist Illegal ont essaimé à travers les réseaux sociaux du monde.
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The "open myth" of Luther Blissett is a game with personal identity, like the three-sided football played by the AAA: a way to change the social rules, so a group can start moving simultaneously in several directions. This "fundamental valence" lies at the prehistory of the counterglobalization movement. Just think of the way names like Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, or Kein Mensch ist Illegal have spread across the world's social networks. One can see these names, not as categories or identifiers, but as catalysts, departure points, like the white overalls (tute bianche) worn initially in north-eastern Italy: "The Tute Bianche are not a movement, they are an instrument conceived within a larger movement (the Social Centers) and placed at the disposal of a still larger movement (the global movement)," writes Wu Ming 1 in the French journal Multitudes (#7). This "instrument" was invented in 1994, when the Northern League mayor of Milan, Formentini, ordered the eviction of a squatted center and declared, "From now on, squatters will be nothing more than ghosts wandering about in the city!" But then the white ghosts showed up in droves at the next demonstration. And a new possibility for collective action emerged: "Everyone is free to wear a tuta biancha, as long as they respect the 'style,' even if they transform its modes of expression: pragmatic refusal of the violence/non-violence dichotomy; reference to zapatismo; break with the twentieth-century experience; embrace of the symbolic terrain of confrontation."
  transversal.at  
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Cette "glissement fondateur" se trouve aux origines du mouvement altermondialiste. Il suffit de penser à la manière dont des noms comme Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, ou Kein Mensch ist Illegal ont essaimé à travers les réseaux sociaux du monde.
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The "open myth" of Luther Blissett is a game with personal identity, like the three-sided football played by the AAA: a way to change the social rules, so a group can start moving simultaneously in several directions. This "fundamental valence" lies at the prehistory of the counterglobalization movement. Just think of the way names like Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, or Kein Mensch ist Illegal have spread across the world's social networks. One can see these names, not as categories or identifiers, but as catalysts, departure points, like the white overalls (tute bianche) worn initially in north-eastern Italy: "The Tute Bianche are not a movement, they are an instrument conceived within a larger movement (the Social Centers) and placed at the disposal of a still larger movement (the global movement)," writes Wu Ming 1 in the French journal Multitudes (#7). This "instrument" was invented in 1994, when the Northern League mayor of Milan, Formentini, ordered the eviction of a squatted center and declared, "From now on, squatters will be nothing more than ghosts wandering about in the city!" But then the white ghosts showed up in droves at the next demonstration. And a new possibility for collective action emerged: "Everyone is free to wear a tuta biancha, as long as they respect the 'style,' even if they transform its modes of expression: pragmatic refusal of the violence/non-violence dichotomy; reference to zapatismo; break with the twentieth-century experience; embrace of the symbolic terrain of confrontation."
  eipcp.net  
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Cette "glissement fondateur" se trouve aux origines du mouvement altermondialiste. Il suffit de penser à la manière dont des noms comme Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, ou Kein Mensch ist Illegal ont essaimé à travers les réseaux sociaux du monde.
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The "open myth" of Luther Blissett is a game with personal identity, like the three-sided football played by the AAA: a way to change the social rules, so a group can start moving simultaneously in several directions. This "fundamental valence" lies at the prehistory of the counterglobalization movement. Just think of the way names like Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, or Kein Mensch ist Illegal have spread across the world's social networks. One can see these names, not as categories or identifiers, but as catalysts, departure points, like the white overalls (tute bianche) worn initially in north-eastern Italy: "The Tute Bianche are not a movement, they are an instrument conceived within a larger movement (the Social Centers) and placed at the disposal of a still larger movement (the global movement)," writes Wu Ming 1 in the French journal Multitudes (#7). This "instrument" was invented in 1994, when the Northern League mayor of Milan, Formentini, ordered the eviction of a squatted center and declared, "From now on, squatters will be nothing more than ghosts wandering about in the city!" But then the white ghosts showed up in droves at the next demonstration. And a new possibility for collective action emerged: "Everyone is free to wear a tuta biancha, as long as they respect the 'style,' even if they transform its modes of expression: pragmatic refusal of the violence/non-violence dichotomy; reference to zapatismo; break with the twentieth-century experience; embrace of the symbolic terrain of confrontation."
  republicart.net  
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Cette "glissement fondateur" se trouve aux origines du mouvement altermondialiste. Il suffit de penser à la manière dont des noms comme Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, ou Kein Mensch ist Illegal ont essaimé à travers les réseaux sociaux du monde.
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The "open myth" of Luther Blissett is a game with personal identity, like the three-sided football played by the AAA: a way to change the social rules, so a group can start moving simultaneously in several directions. This "fundamental valence" lies at the prehistory of the counterglobalization movement. Just think of the way names like Ya Basta, Reclaim the Streets, or Kein Mensch ist Illegal have spread across the world's social networks. One can see these names, not as categories or identifiers, but as catalysts, departure points, like the white overalls (tute bianche) worn initially in north-eastern Italy: "The Tute Bianche are not a movement, they are an instrument conceived within a larger movement (the Social Centers) and placed at the disposal of a still larger movement (the global movement)," writes Wu Ming 1 in the French journal Multitudes (#7). This "instrument" was invented in 1994, when the Northern League mayor of Milan, Formentini, ordered the eviction of a squatted center and declared, "From now on, squatters will be nothing more than ghosts wandering about in the city!" But then the white ghosts showed up in droves at the next demonstration. And a new possibility for collective action emerged: "Everyone is free to wear a tuta biancha, as long as they respect the 'style,' even if they transform its modes of expression: pragmatic refusal of the violence/non-violence dichotomy; reference to zapatismo; break with the twentieth-century experience; embrace of the symbolic terrain of confrontation."