so flächendeckend – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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  horariodebuses.com  
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Wir sorgen in 27 Ländern Europas mit insgesamt 164 Distributionszentren dafür, dass Arzneimittel schnell und sicher ans Ziel kommen – so flächendeckend wie kein anderes Pharmahandelsunternehmen.
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With a total of 164 distribution centres, we ensure that your prescription and over-the-counter medicines reach their destination quickly and securely in 27 European countries, giving us better geographical coverage than any other pharmaceutical trading company.
  documenta-historie.de  
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So flächendeckend breitete sich die 13. documenta über das Stadtgebiet aus, dass sie weder ein Zentrum noch einen ausgewiesenen Schwerpunkt besaß. Programmgemäß vermied sie die Behauptung einer Mitte.
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The 13th documenta occupied such a wide area of the city that it had neither a center nor an identifiable focal point. In keeping with its programmatic intent, it refrained from claiming to have a middle. Within the context of this anti-hierarchic exhibition activity, Lawrence Weiner addressed the very issue of that middle in his colored wall text. He verbalized the attempt to demarcate the boundaries of a concrete standpoint, which presupposes the existence of a self-enclosed structure. In incantatory repetition, his template print raises the question of who determines what and where the middle of something is. And that question is also the question of the power to define what art is. Thus this work takes a critical look at the mission documenta has taken upon itself to carry out over a period of decades.
  transversal.at  
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Seine Beschränkung auf eine Bewegung entlang der Oberfläche hat ihren ersten Grund sicherlich in der prekären Quellenlage, die dadurch bestimmt ist, dass Quellen aus Sicht der AkteurInnen kaum existieren, weil sie die Inquisition so flächendeckend vernichtet hat.
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However, Foucault does not go into detail about any of these examples of counter-conduct. The reason for his limitation to a movement along the surface certainly has something to do with the precarious source material, which is marked by the fact that sources from the perspective of the actors hardly exist, because the Inquisition so thoroughly destroyed them. This forced fragmentarity, however, also has an implicit quality. This made it possible for Foucault to collect single aspects from every possible area, which constitute individual and collective counter-conduct in (not only) the late Middle Ages: the election and the option of deposing the pastor among the Taborites, the new forms of “counter-society” among the Society of the Poor, the emphasis on communal property and the rejection of personal ownership of goods. All of these are components of an abstract machine that assails the dimorphism of priests and laity, in which the suspension of the Christian pastorate goes hand in hand with the recomposition and re-invention of social organization.[32] These forms of counter-conduct have their specific features, but this remains a “non-autonomous specificity”[33]. That means they develop in the connection with political revolts against power as sovereignty, with economic revolts against power as exploitation. Most of all, though, “these revolts of conduct, these resistances of conduct are equally linked with a very different, but decisive problem, namely the status of women”.[34]
  eipcp.net  
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Seine Beschränkung auf eine Bewegung entlang der Oberfläche hat ihren ersten Grund sicherlich in der prekären Quellenlage, die dadurch bestimmt ist, dass Quellen aus Sicht der AkteurInnen kaum existieren, weil sie die Inquisition so flächendeckend vernichtet hat.
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However, Foucault does not go into detail about any of these examples of counter-conduct. The reason for his limitation to a movement along the surface certainly has something to do with the precarious source material, which is marked by the fact that sources from the perspective of the actors hardly exist, because the Inquisition so thoroughly destroyed them. This forced fragmentarity, however, also has an implicit quality. This made it possible for Foucault to collect single aspects from every possible area, which constitute individual and collective counter-conduct in (not only) the late Middle Ages: the election and the option of deposing the pastor among the Taborites, the new forms of “counter-society” among the Society of the Poor, the emphasis on communal property and the rejection of personal ownership of goods. All of these are components of an abstract machine that assails the dimorphism of priests and laity, in which the suspension of the Christian pastorate goes hand in hand with the recomposition and re-invention of social organization.[32] These forms of counter-conduct have their specific features, but this remains a “non-autonomous specificity”[33]. That means they develop in the connection with political revolts against power as sovereignty, with economic revolts against power as exploitation. Most of all, though, “these revolts of conduct, these resistances of conduct are equally linked with a very different, but decisive problem, namely the status of women”.[34]