definerer – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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CPG definerer ikke i kvantitative termer, hvad de allierede ønsker, at NATO skal kunne gøre. Med hensyn til styrkeplanlægning sker det i et underordnet, klassificeret dokument (politiske retningslinjer - Ministerial Guidance 2006), som bygger på CPG, og som blev vedtaget af de berørte lande i juni 2006.
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The CPG does not define in quantitative terms what Allies want NATO to be able to do. For force planning, this is done in a subordinate, classified document (Ministerial Guidance 2006), which is based on the CPG and was agreed by the nations concerned in June 2006.
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Det amerikanske forsvarsministerium definerer transformation som "en proces, som former den militære konkurrences og samarbejdes foranderlige karakter gennem nye kombinationer af koncepter, kapaciteter, mennesker og organisationer, hvilket udnytter vores lands fordele og beskytter mod asymmetriske sårbarheder med henblik på at bevare vores strategiske position, hvorved vi bidrager til at understøtte fred og stabilitet i verden.
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The US Department of Defense defines transformation as "a process that shapes the changing nature of military competition and cooperation through new combinations of concepts, capabilities, people and organisations that exploit our nation's advantages and protect against our asymmetric vulnerabilities to sustain our strategic position, which helps underpin peace and stability in the world."
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Handlingsplanen kan også være et instrument, så landene kan dele ekspertise og erfaring i terrorbekæmpelse med hinanden. Handlingsplanens Artikel 9 definerer således et af sine hovedformål som "at yde bistand til medlemslande af EAPC i håndtering af risici ved og konsekvenser af terrorangreb".
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The Action Plan may also serve as an instrument by which countries can share expertise and experience of combating terrorism with others. Article 9 of the Action Plan, for example, defines one of its key objectives as "to provide assistance to EAPC states in dealing with the risks and consequences of terrorist attacks". In this way, Allies and Partners which have developed particularly effective mechanisms for addressing this problem over the years, may provide mentoring programmes to countries seeking to improve their own anti-terrorist capabilities.
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Lande som Norge og Tyrkiet vil kunne drage fordel af de administrative arrangementer, som definerer karakteren af deres forbindelse med agenturet, der giver dem en god forestilling om, hvad der sker i agenturet.
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Some cooperation is envisaged. Countries like Norway and Turkey will benefit from administrative arrangements setting out the nature of their association with the Agency that give them a good idea of what is happening within the Agency. In this way, if, say, half a dozen member states were thinking of coming together on a particular project, they would be able to ask to join, if they so wished. The Danish case is different and no such administrative arrangement is envisaged. This is because Denmark is an EU state that chooses not to participate.
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Bortset fra det har vi et arbejdsprogram for i år, som definerer vores flagskibsprogrammer, nemlig det europæiske forsvarsudstyrsmarked, en kommando-, kontrol- og kommunikationsstudie, pansrede mandskabsvogne og ubemandende luftfartøjer (UAV'er).
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Our immediate priority, which is a precondition for everything else, is to get up and running, recruit staff and move into new offices. We must also explain ourselves. There is a fantastic amount of interest in the Agency, but the concept is not yet well understood. We must get to know our shareholders, that is the 24 member states, individually. Aside from that, we have a work programme for the year that specifies four flagship programmes. These are the European defence equipment market; a command control and communication study; armoured fighting vehicles and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).
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Han beskriver indledningsvist sin fremgangsmåde, idet han først giver et strålende overblik over de mest almindelige argumenter for og imod udvidelse og derefter definerer opbygningen af sine casestudier.
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Using the examples of both the first and second post-Cold War enlargement rounds, Karl-Heinz Kamp of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation offers insight into the workings of NATO. He depicts an essentially conservative organisation, reluctant to upset Russia by addressing the Baltic Republics' desire for membership. It took a combination of national and inner-organisational factors, he argues, to ensure the second round of enlargement. On the one hand, NATO's political heavyweights pushed the issue. On the other, NATO as a whole had to assess whether candidates had fulfilled commonly determined membership criteria. Kamp dedicates some time to Russia's opposition to Alliance enlargement and addresses - albeit sceptically - the issue of possible Russian membership of NATO. He also dismisses concerns about a loss of effectiveness for NATO with 26 plus members and stresses the need for the European Union and NATO to coordinate their enlargement policies.
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Han beskriver indledningsvist sin fremgangsmåde, idet han først giver et strålende overblik over de mest almindelige argumenter for og imod udvidelse og derefter definerer opbygningen af sine casestudier.
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to their pre-accession obligations, the more obvious the positive impact of the enlargement process becomes. In this way, the reader learns that the desire for NATO membership played a critical role in preventing Slovakia's Vladimir Meciar from returning to power in 2002, in nudging Slovenia towards a more engaged stance in the Balkans, and in improving Romania's minority legislation. Moreover, Barany's belittling of new members' military capabilities rings hollow in light of recent developments, such as the scale of Poland's presence in Iraq, the Czech Republic's lead role in NATO's new anti-CBRN battalion, and the substantial contribution of all new Allies to NATO-led peacekeeping operations. Indeed, as Barany himself admits, most older Allies are unable to meet such benchmarks as three per cent GNP on defence spending. In measuring progress according to the letter of the law, he risks overlooking the revolutionary nature of the current Central and Eastern European transformation process and losing sight of the big picture.
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I takt med at moralske, retlige og etiske spørgsmål i stigende grad definerer succes og fiasko for sikkerhedspolitikker og øver indflydelse på, hvad der er politisk muligt eller ønskværdigt må NATO forbedre sin kapacitet til at vurdere og integrere disse spørgsmål i sin politik og planlægning.
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Fifth, the security challenges NATO faces often provoke and reflect a clash of ideas, value systems, and conceptions of right and wrong. Action or inaction on any of these issues is fraught with ethical dilemmas which in turn can have major international and domestic political implications. The moral clarity that characterised the Cold War in Europe is largely gone. Morality, legality, and ethics now play a much more prominent role in the establishment and maintenance of NATO's international legitimacy, domestic public support in member states, and local support in the world's regions. This is especially the case when the use of military force is involved. As moral, legal, and ethical issues increasingly define the success and failure of security policies and influence what is politically possible or desirable, NATO must improve its capacity to assess and integrate such issues into policy and planning.
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De har den ekspertise og de færdigheder, der skal til for at udføre deres opgaver effektivt. De har klare regler, der definerer de ansvarsområder, militæret har som institution, og regler for den enkelte.
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Forster, Edmunds and Cottey argue that professional armed forces are defined by four core characteristics, namely their role, their expertise, their responsibility, and their system of promotion. They have clearly defined and widely accepted roles, in relation both to external functions and domestic society. They have the expertise and skills necessary to fulfil these functions effectively and efficiently. They have clear rules defining the responsibilities of the military as an institution, and of individual soldiers. And promotion within them is based on achievement. Within the context of post-Cold War Europe, the book's editors argue there are four distinct models of professional armed forces: a Power Projection model, entailing armed forces substantially oriented towards the deployment of military power outside national territory; a Territorial Defence model, entailing armed forces primarily oriented towards national defence but also capable of contributing in a limited way to multinational power-projection operations; a Post-Neutral model, entailing small armed forces primarily oriented towards national defence but heavily reliant on mass mobilisation of reserves in time of war, and capable also of contributing to traditional peacekeeping operations; and a Neutral model, entailing armed forces almost entirely oriented towards national defence.