fins alimentaires – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	M. Don Radford: Tout d'abord, nous ne tenons pas compte du nombre par habitant dans la négociation avec les Premières nations des prises allouées à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Don Radford: First of all, we don't consider the per capita number in negotiating food, social, and ceremonial fisheries allocations with first nations.

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Nous avons suivi un chargement de poisson jusqu'aux États-Unis. C'était du poisson censément pêché à des fins alimentaires, mais il a été vendu là-bas. Or, un an et demi plus tard, aucune accusation n'a été portée, ni au Canada, ni aux États-Unis, même si ce poisson avait été importé illégalement là-bas.

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As a case in point, a year ago last summer I videotaped some ongoing fishery in the Fraser River and communicated my concerns to the Department of Fisheries and Oceans enforcement people. We followed a shipment of fish down into the States. It was food fish. It was sold there for cash. A year and a half later, no charges have been laid by the department in Canada, and even though the product was imported improperly or illegally into the United States, no charges have been laid there.

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Il suffirait qu'elle ne puisse être pratiquée que pendant la saison régulière. Les Autochtones peuvent déjà pratiquer la pêche à des fins alimentaires pendant la saison régulière. Les Micmacs peuvent aller poser le nombre de casiers qui leur a été attribué.

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Mr. Eben Elliott: Yes, simply make it apply during the regular season only—they have a food fishery during the regular season. The Mi'kmaq community, if they want to go out and fish with the traps they have been allocated, can do it. They can go out and fish during the regular season. I'm sure most of them have freezers. They can freeze as much lobster as they want. They can go and get their free lobster, and it would be better than it is now. And there wouldn't be any problem with them selling it over the side. It wouldn't matter. They're simply taking it out of the water at the same time that everybody else is.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Le processus d'établissement des niveaux de prises annuelles du saumon pour les Premières nations est complexe car il n'existe pas de formule normative. Le ministère des Pêches et des Océans accorde aux groupes autochtones l'accès à la pêche du saumon à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	DFO implemented the Aboriginal Fisheries Strategy to facilitate the management of fisheries in a manner that is consistent with the 1990 Supreme Court of Canada Sparrow decision. The development of annual salmon harvest targets for First Nations is complex and there is no prescriptive formula. DFO provides food, social and ceremonial access to Aboriginal groups.

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Cette année-là, 750 000 livres de homard ont été pêchées à des fins de subsistance alors que la réserve ne compte que 1 000 membres. C'est beaucoup de homard en une année à des seules fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles.

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One thing about that food fishery is that Burnt Church became kind of famous in the last little while for the problems there this fall, but back in...I'm not sure which year, I think it was 1993—the DFO people in Ottawa came down and negotiated some kind of separate agreement with the Burnt Church people at the time for a food fishery. It ended up that 750,000 pounds that year was fished in a food fishery, and you're talking about a reserve with 1,000 people. It seems to be a lot of lobster to be eating in one year for food, social, and ceremonial purposes.

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Depuis, nous avons réussi à négocier des régimes de pêche qui fixent les quantités et les méthodes qui sont les conditions de leur accès à la pêche du homard à des fins alimentaires, sociales et cérémoniales, conformément au droit énoncé dans la décision Sparrow.

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Mr. Patrick Chamut: I think it was following the Sparrow decision that came down from the court in 1990 that a larger interest was expressed by aboriginal people in being able access lobster for food purposes. Probably around 1992 or 1993, we began to negotiate arrangements with aboriginal communities in Atlantic Canada which would provide them with access to lobsters for food purposes. Since that time, we have successfully negotiated agreements that lay out the amounts and the harvesting arrangements by which they will exercise access or harvest lobsters for food, social, and ceremonial requirements, as is in accordance with the right laid out in the Sparrow decision.

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Comme vous l'avez constaté dans un certain nombre de secteurs, nous visons à faire de la pêche au homard, c'est-à-dire la pêche à des fins alimentaires, une pêche légitime, et à offrir la possibilité de pêcher pendant la saison commerciale régulière.

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As you've seen in a number of areas, our objectives are to take the lobster fishery and actually make the food fishery a legitimate food fishery, and provide the opportunity for harvesting in the regular commercial season. We're trying to promote commercial fishing in the regular season and make the food fishery, which is an aboriginal right, a legitimate food activity. We have had some success. I would not say that success has necessarily occurred in Burnt Church, but there are other communities where we've been able to reduce the food harvest, as people get more engaged in commercial fishing.

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Il semble que la montaison en 2008 risque de ne pas être bonne du tout, si bien que de fortes pressions seront exercées sur le MPO concernant la pêche sportive, la pêche des premières nations, le droit constitutionnel qu’elles ont de pêcher à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles, ainsi que le traité précédent conclu avec les Américains et leur pêche également.

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It appears that the 2008 run may not be very good at all, so there is going to be a lot of pressure on DFO regarding sport fishing, first nations fishing, the constitutional right they have for food, social, and ceremonial purposes, plus the previous treaty with the Americans and their catch as well. Can you please tell us what deliberations or conversations are going on, in order to alleviate the fears and the pressures that may come within a few months?

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Vous autorisez un accès très considérable en partant du principe que la pêche doit servir à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles, puis vous êtes surpris d'apprendre qu'il existe un marché noir.

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Mr. John Cummins: Well, in allowing for that, I don't think you really thought out what an appropriate limit would be for food purposes. And of course that's the same problem we've had for years on the Fraser River and elsewhere in British Columbia. You allow for huge access under the notion that the fisheries are for food, social, and ceremonial purposes and are surprised when a black market exists.

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Au même moment, le jugement Sparrow nous arriva: les autochtones avaient désormais la permission de pêcher le homard pour des fins alimentaires et cérémoniales. Confiant face aux mesures de gestion mises de l'avant pour assurer la conservation de la ressource, j'ai travaillé comme intervenant avec Stephen Augustine, autochtone de la réserve de Big Cove, à distribuer l'information sur le contenu de la décision Sparrow.

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Then the Sparrow decision came upon us: the Aboriginals were henceforth allowed to fish lobster for food and ceremonial purposes. Confident in the management measures implemented to ensure conservation of the resource, Stephen Augustine from the Big Cove reserve and I worked together in disseminating information on the Sparrow ruling. We visited all the Native and non-Native villages. The message from the commercial fishermen was that we should integrate the native fishers in the commercial fishery and at the same time make sure there was a balance in the resources. We supported the idea of making room for the Aboriginals provided that they took part in the commercial fishery in compliance with the same management methods, including the rules relating to season.

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Je ne voudrais pas vous mettre des mots dans la bouche, mais je suppose qu'en tant que personne employée par la bande de Cheam, si ces membres prenaient x livres de poisson à des fins alimentaires, sociales et cérémoniales et si les membres qui ne sont pas sanctionnés par la bande contournent cette règle particulière, tous en seraient préoccupés.

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I don't want to put words in your mouth, but I would assume that as a person employed by the Cheam Band, if they're catching x number of pounds of fish for food, social, and ceremonial purposes, and if there are individuals who are not sanctioned by the band but who are circumventing that particular rule, that would be of concern to everybody. What happens then is that you have DFO and non-aboriginal groups and other aboriginal groups, like the Native Brotherhood, saying to back the truck up here because we have a bit of a problem.

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Donc, dans l'arrêt Sparrow, lorsque la Cour suprême dit qu'on devrait donner davantage de possibilités aux peuples autochtones pour pêcher à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles, le problème consiste à déterminer combien de poissons cela représente, jusqu'à quel point il est possible de pêcher.

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So when the Supreme Court in Sparrow said that greater opportunities had to be given to aboriginal people for the food, ceremonial, and social purposes, the problem was, how much fish is that? To what extent can that be stretched? The aboriginals say they need more for fish for food and ceremonial purposes. Then the question came also of whether they could sell what they caught for food, social, and ceremonial purposes. In many cases, the Supreme Court said they couldn't sell it, but in some cases they said if it is something that was inherent to your culture, you were doing it in the past, you were trading with fish and neighbouring tribes, and so on, then you can take your food fish and also sell it.

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Comme vous l'avez constaté dans un certain nombre de secteurs, nous visons à faire de la pêche au homard, c'est-à-dire la pêche à des fins alimentaires, une pêche légitime, et à offrir la possibilité de pêcher pendant la saison commerciale régulière.

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As you've seen in a number of areas, our objectives are to take the lobster fishery and actually make the food fishery a legitimate food fishery, and provide the opportunity for harvesting in the regular commercial season. We're trying to promote commercial fishing in the regular season and make the food fishery, which is an aboriginal right, a legitimate food activity. We have had some success. I would not say that success has necessarily occurred in Burnt Church, but there are other communities where we've been able to reduce the food harvest, as people get more engaged in commercial fishing.

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En 2006, les Premières nations ont pris au titre des possibilités de pêche commerciale environ 10 p. 100 de la prise commerciale totale, et cela avec une montaison de neuf millions de poissons. La pêche aux fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles a représenté environ 15 p. 100.

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In 2006, the economic opportunity first nations fishery harvested about 10% of the total commercial catch in 2006, and that's with a run size of nine million. The food, social, and ceremonial ratio was about 15%. The food, social, and ceremonial allocation is of a higher priority than the commercial. So when the run size to the Fraser is low.... This year it returned at nine million. Let's pretend it returns at five million. At five million the percentage of the FSC will be higher. The absolute catch will not be higher--it will still be in the order of about a half million or 600,000 fish--but the percentage is higher. When the run is larger, the absolute catch is still 500,000 or 600,000, but the percentage is lower because the run is greater.

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Comme vous le savez, pour la saison de la pêche à des fins de subsistance, nous avions autorisé quelque 40 casiers, ce qui, d'après nous, aurait dû répondre aux besoins de la collectivité en matière de pêche à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles.

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Mr. Jack Stagg: Increased carapace size. The licences we offered Burnt Church in that area to fish commercially were licences we obtained from existing fishers. So we were not going to add this spring through our plan with Burnt Church any additional fishing pressure in the commercial season. As you know, in the food fishery season we had authorized some 40 traps, which we felt would satisfy the community's interest in terms of food, social, and ceremonial fish. We believe that approach was consistent with good conservation in the bay and with sustaining the lobster fishery in Miramichi.

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Donc, dans l'arrêt Sparrow, lorsque la Cour suprême dit qu'on devrait donner davantage de possibilités aux peuples autochtones pour pêcher à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles, le problème consiste à déterminer combien de poissons cela représente, jusqu'à quel point il est possible de pêcher.

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So when the Supreme Court in Sparrow said that greater opportunities had to be given to aboriginal people for the food, ceremonial, and social purposes, the problem was, how much fish is that? To what extent can that be stretched? The aboriginals say they need more for fish for food and ceremonial purposes. Then the question came also of whether they could sell what they caught for food, social, and ceremonial purposes. In many cases, the Supreme Court said they couldn't sell it, but in some cases they said if it is something that was inherent to your culture, you were doing it in the past, you were trading with fish and neighbouring tribes, and so on, then you can take your food fish and also sell it.

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En 2006, les Premières nations ont pris au titre des possibilités de pêche commerciale environ 10 p. 100 de la prise commerciale totale, et cela avec une montaison de neuf millions de poissons. La pêche aux fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles a représenté environ 15 p. 100.

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In 2006, the economic opportunity first nations fishery harvested about 10% of the total commercial catch in 2006, and that's with a run size of nine million. The food, social, and ceremonial ratio was about 15%. The food, social, and ceremonial allocation is of a higher priority than the commercial. So when the run size to the Fraser is low.... This year it returned at nine million. Let's pretend it returns at five million. At five million the percentage of the FSC will be higher. The absolute catch will not be higher--it will still be in the order of about a half million or 600,000 fish--but the percentage is higher. When the run is larger, the absolute catch is still 500,000 or 600,000, but the percentage is lower because the run is greater.

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En ce qui a trait à la pêche, les données scientifiques recueillies au cours des années précédentes et dans le cadre d'activités d'application des règlements menées cet été montrent que le plan de pêche de la Première nation est dommageable pour la ressource. Par conséquent, le vendredi 22 septembre 2000, nous avons fermé la pêche pratiquée à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles de la zone de pêche du homard 23, dans la baie Miramichi.

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On the fishery, scientific evidence collected in previous years and through enforcement efforts this summer has resulted in evidence that the first nations fishing plan, we believe, is detrimental to the resource. As a result, the food, social, and ceremonial fishery of the Miramichi Bay area of lobster fishing area 23 was closed last Friday, September 22, 2000, basically to all fishing.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Tout d'abord, pour ce qui est de la pêche au homard sur la côte est, n'est-il pas vrai que les activités de capture des Autochtones peuvent avoir lieu en dehors de la période normale de pêche commerciale au homard? De plus, qu'est-ce qui permet d'établir que les Autochtones dépendent du homard à des fins alimentaires, voire à des fins commerciales?
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	What I would ask today is this. First of all, with respect to the lobster fishery on the east coast, is it not the case that the aboriginal harvest can take place outside of when the regular commercial lobster fishery is taking place? Furthermore, what evidence is available to demonstrate an aboriginal dependence on lobster for food purposes, let alone for trade in lobster?

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Nous avons tenu trois jours d'audiences en Colombie-Britannique et je suis largement d'accord avec ce qui a été dit aujourd'hui, mais une question qui ne me semble pas claire du tout est celle du droit de pêche accordé aux Autochtones du Canada à des fins alimentaires, sociales et cérémoniales.

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We've had the three days of hearings in British Columbia, and I agree with a lot of what's been said here today, but one concern or one issue that I find there is a tremendous lack of clarity about is this whole issue of the food, social, and ceremonial purposes given as a right to the aboriginals in Canada. A number of court decisions gave this right to the aboriginals, but again, there's a tremendous lack of clarity. What does it mean?

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Il peut y avoir une différence pour ce qui est de la saison de capture. Normalement, pour la pêche autochtone, nous limitons le nombre de casiers pouvant être utilisés pour la capture de homard à des fins alimentaires.

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The one area where there may be a difference is with respect to the season within which the harvest can occur. Normally in the aboriginal fishery we restrict the number of traps that may be used to harvest lobster for food purposes. The use of those traps can extend over a longer season than what the commercial fishery is able to fish. But we have to understand that in many cases we're dealing with a very small number of traps relative to the total number of traps that are fished by the commercial fishery.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	La question ici est vraiment de savoir si le poisson qui est récolté à des fins alimentaires, sociales et cérémonielles ne doit pas être vendu, mais d'après les quantités de prises, il est évident qu'il est vendu.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	The issue here really is that this fish that's caught for food, social, and ceremonial purposes is not to be sold, but it's being caught in quantities that make it obvious that it is being sold.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	M. Joe McGuire: Je sais que la pêche autochtone à des fins alimentaires à Lennox Island est de 80 000 livres cette année. Qu'est-ce qui vous appartient, qu'y a-t-il à part le homard, et combien de personnes participent à la pêche à des fins alimentaires?
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Joe McGuire: I know the aboriginal food fishery in Lennox Island is an 80,000-pound fishery for this year. What is yours, what does it include besides lobster, and how many people actually participate in the food fishery?

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Par conséquent, le libellé proposé et adopté du projet de loi C-38 disait que nous protégerions les pêches à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles et la pêche de subsistance. C'était pour se conformer aux accords sur des revendications territoriales dans lesquels le mot « subsistance » était utilisé.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	So the language that was proposed and adopted in Bill C-38 said that we would be protecting food, social, and ceremonial fisheries and subsistence fisheries. That was specifically to pick up the land claims agreements that use the language “subsistence”.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	M. Joe McGuire: Je sais que la pêche autochtone à des fins alimentaires à Lennox Island est de 80 000 livres cette année. Qu'est-ce qui vous appartient, qu'y a-t-il à part le homard, et combien de personnes participent à la pêche à des fins alimentaires?
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Joe McGuire: I know the aboriginal food fishery in Lennox Island is an 80,000-pound fishery for this year. What is yours, what does it include besides lobster, and how many people actually participate in the food fishery?

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Les Autochtones eux-mêmes reconnaissent qu'un gros pourcentage des homards capturés à des fins alimentaires, rituelles et culturelles est en fait vendu illégalement. C'est un fait connu. Cette situation incite les pêcheurs non autochtones comme vous à penser que ce n'est pas un système juste et équitable.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Even the aboriginal people admit that a lot of the lobsters they catch for food, ceremonial, and cultural purposes are actually for back-of-the-truck sales. We all know that happens. In many cases, that really put the interpretation to non-native fishermen like yourself that this just wasn't fair and not a good process.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	M. Peter Stoffer: Non, je n'ai pas tout à fait fini. En ce qui a trait à la pêche à des fins alimentaires, sociales et cérémoniales, y a-t-il des bandes ou des groupes autochtones qui ont le droit de vendre une partie de ce poisson?
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	Mr. Peter Stoffer: No, I have just a furtherance on this. In furtherance of that question on the food, social, and ceremonial fishery, is any band or any aboriginal group allowed to sell any of that fish?

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Pour ce qui est du homard, la capture de homard à des fins alimentaires par les Autochtones est généralement assujettie aux mêmes exigences de conservation que celles qui s'appliquent à la pêche commerciale.

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With respect to lobster, the aboriginal harvest of lobster for food purposes is conducted generally with the same requirements for conservation that are applied to the commercial fishery. So things dealing with the nature of the trap, the size of the lobster, the retention of buried females, and things of that nature are applied in the commercial fishery as they are applied in the aboriginal fishery.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	D'abord, je veux m'assurer qu'on comprenne bien la différence, à savoir que les senneurs exploités par les premières nations exercent des activités de pêche à des fins alimentaires, sociales et rituelles et que les règles et lignes directrices qui s'appliquent à eux ne sont pas les mêmes que pour les senneurs des flottes commerciales.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	One, I want to make sure the distinction is clear that those seine boats operated by first nations were conducting food, social, and ceremonial fisheries and were operating under different rules or guidelines than the regular commercial fleet. s

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Cette part variera en fonction de l'abondance de la ressource. Dans les années de faible remonte, nous pourrions même récolter moins que notre part actuelle à des fins alimentaires. Cette disposition est prévue à l'annexe A du chapitre intitulé «Pêches», aux pages 134 et 135.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine parl.gc.ca as primary domain	For example, the treaty provides a formula under which our share of each species of the Nass salmon returned to Canada will be determined. That share will vary depending on the abundance of the resource; in low-run years we may even harvest less than our current harvest for domestic purposes. This can be found in the “Fisheries” chapter, schedule A, pages 123 to 124.