saddam hussein – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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  Η Ελληνική Προεδρία της...  
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Nous les encouragerons, individuellement et conjointement, à faire comprendre à Saddam Hussein l'extrême danger que représenterait une mauvaise appréciation de la situation, ainsi que la nécessité qu'il se conforme intégralement à la résolution 1441.
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We will work with the Arab countries and the League of the Arab nations. We will encourage them separately and jointly, to bring home to Saddam Hussein the extreme danger of miscalculation of the situation and the need for full compliance with resolution 1441. We support Turkish regional initiatives with the neighbours of Iraq and Egypt.
  Η Ελληνική Προεδρία της...  
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Dans une brève intervention en conférence de presse, le président de la Commission européenne, Romano Prodi, après avoir félicité M. Simitis et la Présidence grecque, a déclaré que « nous n’oublions pas les millions de citoyens qui sont descendus dans la rue », avant d’ajouter que « nous appelons Saddam Hussein à se conformer aux résolutions de l’ONU, sinon il en subira les conséquences ».
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Speaking briefly at the press conference, European Commission President Romano Prodi congratulated Simitis and the Greek presidency. “We do not forget the millions of our citizens who marched in the streets,” Prodi said, adding, “We say to Saddam Hussein: comply with the UN resolutions or face the consequences”. Addressing the Arab countries, Prodi stressed that terrorism was a common enemy and there was no clash of cultures.
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Sur ce point, je voudrais souligner que vous tous, sans exception, et le Conseil de l’Union européenne lui-même ainsi que le Conseil de sécurité à l’unanimité ont adopté une position commune sur le désarmement de l’Irak et sur la coopération immédiate et sans restrictions de Saddam Hussein avec le Conseil de sécurité.
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First of all, whether there is the possibility of a diplomatic solution of the crisis within the narrow margin that is left. Here, I would like to stress that all of you, without exception, as well as the EU Council and a unanimous Security Council, have a common position on the disarmament of Iraq and the immediate and unconditional cooperation of Saddam Hussein with the Security Council. I think that it is important not to interpret whatever differences we have - we are a democratic community; we are here at the European Parliament; we are in a democratic European Union - as ill-conceived message to Saddam Hussein, that we have differing opinions on the ultimate goal. The ultimate goal is specific, and we all agree on it.
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Tout d’abord, épuiser tous les efforts de la voie diplomatique pour résoudre la crise irakienne. Et bien entendu, nous avons aussi souligné que le responsable pour toutes conséquences est Saddam Hussein lui-même.
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Second, the Summit Meeting essentially gave a mandate to the Greek Presidency to take initiatives. First of all, to make every effort towards exhausting the diplomatic avenues for the solution of the Iraq crisis. And, of course, we have also stressed that Saddam Hussein bears the responsibility fr any consequences. I would like to express a personal opinion drawn from my personal experience, having observed at first hand the Security Council and the General Affairs Council over the last few weeks. I believe that, as Kofi Annan stressed, we also have an important responsibility. Our responsibility is, to the extent that we are able, to formulate a common position, and, as far as we can, to move with a unified voice, to the extent that the UN is strengthened by the authority and the means at our disposal, we will then be more effective, particularly in working towards a peaceful solution to the problem.
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Sur ce point, je voudrais souligner que vous tous, sans exception, et le Conseil de l’Union européenne lui-même ainsi que le Conseil de sécurité à l’unanimité ont adopté une position commune sur le désarmement de l’Irak et sur la coopération immédiate et sans restrictions de Saddam Hussein avec le Conseil de sécurité.
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First of all, whether there is the possibility of a diplomatic solution of the crisis within the narrow margin that is left. Here, I would like to stress that all of you, without exception, as well as the EU Council and a unanimous Security Council, have a common position on the disarmament of Iraq and the immediate and unconditional cooperation of Saddam Hussein with the Security Council. I think that it is important not to interpret whatever differences we have - we are a democratic community; we are here at the European Parliament; we are in a democratic European Union - as ill-conceived message to Saddam Hussein, that we have differing opinions on the ultimate goal. The ultimate goal is specific, and we all agree on it.
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C’est pour cette raison que nous avons pris l’initiative envers le monde arable à l’aide de coopérations et de réunions continues, c’est pour cela qu’aujourd’hui, ces jours-ci, la Ligue arabe va adresser un message important à Saddam Hussein.
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For this reason we took the initiative of approaching the Arab world through constant cooperation and meetings. That is why, at this time, the Arab League is approaching Saddam Hussein to send an important message. But the question raised by Mr. Watson and Mr. Cohn-Bendit is, I think, quite legitimate. Mr. Cohn-Bendit posed the question: "Could not the United States or the international community today a say that we have succeeded?" Truly, we did succeed in placing the inspectors on Iraqi soil, in setting the inspections in motion and in starting the disarmament process, but there are many EU member states that of a different opinion. And that is one of the problems that we are confronting - whether this glass is half full or half empty. And when the Arabs request specific clarifications regarding the message they are to deliver to Baghdad. The discussion of benchmarks being held in the Security Council at this time is very important. So are there specific goals that would allow us to assess whether Saddam Hussein has taken the strategic decision concerning disarmament, as the Americans and British stress? And if there are, within what timeframe will we be able to make that assessment? Here I see that at the same time, as Mr. Titley stressed, we are not really talking about and indefinite timeframe. Already, at the Summit Meeting, we have said that it is not an indefinite timeframe. Even in the Security Council neither side in the discussion is talking about an indefinite timeframe. Of course, there is disagreement as to what the timeframe should be. This shows, though, that there is a margin within which the two sides can approach one another, if they can agree on a timeframe and the benchmarks that will be the basis for the assessment of to what extent Saddam Hussein is acting in good faith.