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Keybot 369 Ergebnisse  www.biographi.ca
  Biographie – ALLAN, PET...  
Je t’entends – tu es la nature venue à moi ;
I hear thee – thou art nature unto me;
  FR:Biography – LEFFERTY...  
L’année suivante, dans une lettre écrite de Lachine, au Bas-Canada, son parrain, sir John Johnson*, demanda à William Claus* quelle sorte d’aide il pouvait lui apporter : « S’il veut bien m’envoyer une liste des remèdes utiles à sa pratique, disait-il, je la ferai parvenir chez moi et veillerai à ce qu’il les obtienne. » Pendant la guerre de 1812, Lefferty servit comme aide-chirurgien dans la milice ; les troupes américaines détruisirent sa maison, située à Lundy’s Lane (Niagara Falls, Ontario), en y mettant le feu.
John Johnston Lefferty seems to have been the son of Bryan Lefferty, a lawyer and judge of Somerset County, N.J., who was connected to the family of Sir William Johnson*. John Johnston came to Upper Canada in 1797, settling in the Niagara peninsula where he practised medicine. The following year his godfather, Sir John Johnson*, wrote to William Claus* from Lachine asking to find out “in What Manner I can Serve him [Lefferty]. . . . If he will send me a list of Medicines Suitable for his practice, I will send it home, and get it out for him.” During the War of 1812 Lefferty served as assistant surgeon of militia; he lost his home at Lundy’s Lane (Niagara Falls) when it was burnt by American troops.
  FR:Biography – McKIERNA...  
« N’importe qui, qu’il soit anglais, français, irlandais, nègre, sauvage, qu’il appartienne à n’importe quelle religion est sûr d’avoir un repas gratis chez moi, s’il n’a pas les moyens de le payer. » Cette prodigalité lui assure rapidement la sympathie des plus pauvres et, chaque jour, entre midi et 13 heures, « environ 300 ouvriers de bord, des mendiants, des hommes de peine et des parias de la société de Montréal » s’approchent de son comptoir.
. “No matter who he is, whether English, French, Irish, Negro, Indian, or what religion he belongs to, he’s sure to get a free meal at my place if he can’t afford to pay for it.” His generosity quickly assured him the friendship of the poor and every day between noon and one p.m. “about 300 longshoremen, beggars, odd-job men and outcasts from Montreal society” came into his premises.
  Biographie – VAUGHAN, G...  
Toutefois Nicholson affirme que Vaughan « s’embarqua, débarqua et marcha avec moi au combat et se conduisit avec courage et diligence. Il était le plus important gentleman de la Nouvelle-Angleterre qui se fût porté volontaire dans l’expédition ».
In 1708, Vaughan went to England as agent of the New Hampshire assembly, to represent New Hampshire residents in London and to protect their rights and privileges. In 1710 he volunteered to serve in the expedition led by Francis Nicholson against Port-Royal (Annapolis Royal, N.S.). Little is known about Vaughan’s contribution to the expedition. However, Nicholson asserted that Vaughan “imbark’d, landed & march’d with me into the Field, & behav’d himself with good Courage & Diligence, & was the chief Gentleman Voluntier of New England in that Expedition.”
  Biographie – OWEN, WILL...  
Le 7 août 1807, il faisait cette réflexion sur les méthodes des opérations hydrographiques des fonctionnaires de l’East India Company, sur les côtes de Chine : « Donnez-moi la santé, un diplômé de l’académie navale, un bâtiment de 70 tonneaux, 20 hommes et une petite coquille de noix, et je ferai tout [le travail] durant le temps qu’ils s’y préparent. » De retour en Angleterre en 1813, Owen se tint en rapport avec le service hydrographique de l’Amirauté.
Captain Owen had also begun to show evidence of his assurance in the art and science of naval surveying during his service in the Indian Ocean. Beginning in 1806 he completed a number of projections of ships’ tracks and manuscript charts. Although some writers have speculated that Owen learned the intricacies of naval surveying from Captain Matthew Flinders, the surveyor of the Australian coasts and a fellow prisoner on Mauritius, neither man made any reference to such collaboration. Owen’s independent interest in surveying and his self-confidence were written into the log of the
  FR:Biography – SHORTT, ...  
Ravie, lady Aberdeen notait : « Étant donné que [Mme Cummings] est en relation constante avec moi au sujet du [National] Council, ses allées et venues n'auront rien d'étrange, et il est bien en ce moment d'avoir un moyen de communiquer avec le chef de l'opposition. »
Her career required frequent visits to Ottawa to cover the formal social events of the capital. As a house guest of Lord and Lady Aberdeen and working for a Liberal newspaper, Cummings was the ideal go-between when Lady Aberdeen connived in 1896 to meddle surreptitiously in Canadian politics by encouraging Wilfrid Laurier*'s ambition to become prime minister. Lady Aberdeen rejoiced in Cummings's suitability for the role: "As she is always in communication with me about the Council, her comings & goings will not be considered unnatural & it is well at such a juncture to have some means of communication with the leader of the Opposition."
  Biographie – COY, MARY ...  
Dans ses mémoires, Mary Bradley décrit une série d’expériences religieuses, allant de la crise d’hystérie à la maîtrise plus prosaïque, grâce à la prière, de sa peur des ours, lorsque, jeune femme, on lui demandait d’aller chercher les vaches.
the comings and goings of a host of ministers who worked in New Brunswick during Mary’s lifetime. “Henry Allen,” presumably Alline, visited her community in Maugerville Township when she was nine. In 1788 Lady Huntingdon, a prominent English religious philanthropist, sent bibles and tracts, as well as two ministers from her own connection, to the settlements in the area. One became the local preacher but was later removed from the ministry because of drunkenness. Other ministers followed, including the Reverend William Black*, a Wesleyan from Nova Scotia. For the years when she was living in the Saint John region, Mary Bradley mentions in her journal a number of visiting clergymen such as the Wesleyan missionary Joshua Marsden* and the Methodist ministers Enoch Wood* and Albert Des Brisay.
  Biographie – MOUNTAIN H...  
Dans une lettre, il avait rapporté ce qu’il avait répondu à un médecin qui proposait de l’envoyer à l’hôpital : « Je lui ai dit que j’aimais mieux mourir dans les tranchées, comme un homme, plutôt qu’on creuse une tombe pour moi. »
The news of Mountain Horse’s death was totally unexpected on the Blood reserve, and caused great resentment among his friends and family, who believed that his life could have been saved had he been sent home earlier. His grieving mother attacked Middleton with a knife and might have killed him if another of her sons had not intervened. For weeks Sikski carne to Middleton’s house seeking vengeance. Her anger subsided only after she understood that Albert had chosen himself to go to war and had been prepared to die as a warrior. One of his letters had noted his reply to a doctor who proposed sending him to hospital: “I told him I would sooner die like a man in the trenches than have a grave dug for me.”
  FR:Biography – McINTYRE...  
» et de nous faire perdre à Smith et à moi jusqu’à notre dernier dollar dans l’effondrement. » Effectivement, quelques mois après son départ, McIntyre força la main à Stephen en menaçant la Compagnie du chemin de fer canadien du Pacifique de la poursuivre si elle ne remboursait pas ses dettes à la McIntyre, Son and Company.
McIntyre lived for a time in a house on Rue Dorchester (Boulevard René-Lévesque). He then sold it to his neighbour Smith and moved into a romantic French-Scotch Gothic mansion farther up Mount Royal. In 1891 he began to purchase large blocks of Grand Trunk stock in London in an effort to gain control of the railway and move its head office from there to Montreal. He was elected a director that year, but failed to transfer the board to Canada. He did, however, help to prevent a war over rates and running rights between the Grand Trunk and the CPR; the action annoyed the public but improved the credit of both lines with the British bondholders.
  Biographie – COX, ESTHE...  
L’esprit communiquait avec les observateurs : il répondait à leurs questions en frappant des coups et, à l’occasion, en écrivant sur les murs. Certains messages écrits étaient trop blasphématoires pour être reproduits dans les journaux, mais la presse diffusa largement le sensationnel « Esther Cox, tu es à moi et je te tuerai ».
The poltergeist took different forms, expressing itself originally through the movement of bedclothes and other articles and through loud rappings. By October 1878 manifestations were more aggressive; furniture was tipped over and Esther complained of being pursued by objects, especially when in the basement. The poltergeist communicated with observers, answering their questions with knocks and, at times, by writing on walls. While some of the written messages were too profane to be published in newspapers, the sensational “Esther Cox, you are mine to kill” was widely reported. After the ghost threatened to burn down the Teed home, lighted matches reportedly fell from the ceiling and two unexplained fires were discovered. From the beginning Esther suffered physical symptoms that included spells characterized by swelling of her body and uncontrollable movement of her limbs.
  Biographie – GODEFROY D...  
Dans une lettre d’Arent Schuyler De Peyster, commandant britannique à Détroit, aux Indiens de la vallée de l’Ohio, on peut voir que Linctot, qui connaissait plusieurs langues indiennes, était un trublion efficace : « Envoyez-moi ce petit Français bavard, qui a nom monsieur Linctot, celui-là qui vous empoisonne les oreilles. » Clark, plus tard, faisait mention des « services insignes » de Linctot à titre d’agent auprès des Indiens.
Linctot spent most of the winter of 1779–80 in Virginia, and while there conferred with the French admiral, Louis-Philippe de Rigaud de Vaudreuil, Marquis de Vaudreuil, who encouraged him to attract more frontier French to the rebel cause. By mid 1780 Linctot was at Fort Pitt (Pittsburgh) with the assignment of engaging the Shawnees, Delawares, and other Ohio valley tribes to fight the British. That Linctot, who knew several Indian lanugages, was an effective irritant can be seen in a letter to the Ohio valley Indians from Arent Schuyler De Peyster, the British commandant at Detroit: “Send me that little babbling Frenchman named Monsieur Linctot, he who poisons your ears.” Clark later referred to Linctot’s “singular service” as an Indian agent.
  Biographie – BENNETT, R...  
« Si vous croyez que les choses devraient être laissées telles qu'elles sont, vous et moi avons des points de vue irréconciliables. Je suis pour la réforme. Et, dans mon esprit, réforme veut dire intervention du gouvernement [...] Elle signifie la fin du laisser-faire. » Selon Manion, les discours sur le
Within a week Bennett proposed a special committee of the commons. Everyone agreed, he said, that the present system was unsatisfactory. Radio was of surpassing importance, essential in nation building, and with a high educational value. The special committee reported on 9 May 1932 and the bill setting up the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission, to regulate all broadcasting in Canada and establish a nationally owned radio system, was presented a week later. In Bennett's speech to the house on 18 May there was more than a touch of his red Toryism. Only public ownership could ensure to all Canadians the service of radio; no Canadian government was justified in leaving the airwaves to private exploitation. The House of Commons approved overwhelmingly the act setting up the CRBC.
  Biographie – ALIKOMIAK ...  
« Doak [me] terrifiait, déclara Alikomiak [...] Je n'arrivais pas à le comprendre et [je] ne sais pas si oui ou non il était en colère contre moi. J'avais peur qu'il me frappe avec le fouet à chiens, même s'il ne m'a jamais menacé ni frappé avec. Doak me donnait des bottes et des tas de choses à réparer et je n'aimais pas ça [ces travaux incombaient aux femmes]. Une fois, il m'a donné des bottes hautes, en peau de phoque, pour que j'arrange les semelles, et après en avoir fini fini une, il m'a dit que mon travail n'était pas bien fait et que je ne devais pas réparer l'autre. J'étais furieux et je ne me sentais pas bien. Le lendemain, je me [dis] que j'aime[rais] tuer cet homme. » Si Alikomiak a dit la vérité, et rien ne porte à croire le contraire, Doak avait manqué de discernement en le traitant ainsi, compte tenu surtout des deux drames précédents.
Alikomiak’s statement, made freely to the police in the summer of 1923, showed that the motive for the killing was an echo of the fate of the two explorers and priests. He said that he was “scared of Doak. . . . I could not understand him and do not know whether he was angry with me. I was afraid he might use the dog whip on me though he never threatened or hit me with it. Doak gave me boots and lots of things to fix and I did not like it [such repairs were women’s work]. One time he gave me seal skin long boots to fix the bottoms and I had done one when he told me that I had not done it right and for me not to fix the other boot. I was mad and did not feel good inside. The next day I think I like to kill that man.” If this account is true, and there is no reason to think it is not, Doak showed poor judgement in his treatment of Alikomiak, particularly given the precedents of the two earlier cases.
  Biographie – LITTLE, JO...  
En juin 1909, après que Grenfell eut publié sans son autorisation quelques-unes des lettres qu’il avait envoyées à ses proches, le chirurgien avait exprimé son déplaisir à sa mère : « Je comprends assez l’attitude du docteur Grenfell pour ce qui est de la publicité à donner à son œuvre. Il est constitué de telle façon et c’est [un homme] tellement simple qu’il n’en résulte aucun mal, seulement du bien pour autrui et pour l’œuvre elle-même. Mais je ne suis pas comme le docteur Grenfell : avoir l’air d’un héros de carton-pâte ou animer des séances de prière, très peu pour moi».
Almost from the beginning of his stay in St Anthony, Little had disagreed with Grenfell over the priorities of the mission and its weak organization. At the same time he did not share Grenfell’s necessary interest in promotion and fund-raising, though he would raise the money for a new surgical wing in 1910. When Grenfell published some of Little’s letters home without his permission, the surgeon expressed his frustration to his mother in June 1909: “I quite understand Dr. Grenfell’s attitude about advertising his work, and he is so constituted, and is so really simple that there is no harm about it, only good for other people and for the work. But I am not like Dr. Grenfell and cannot appear as a tin hero any more than I can lead prayers.”
  Biographie – MOODY, SAM...  
Soucieux de se détacher des choses de ce monde, il donna son bien le plus précieux, son cheval, disant : « Il monte avec moi jusque dans la chaire et je ne puis l’y garder. » Quoiqu’il ne manquât jamais d’accomplir un geste pitoyable envers les malheureux, il n’était pas moins un homme de caractère violent et ses visites dans les buvettes en étaient une démonstration éloquente alors qu’il chassait chez eux les ivrognes qui y flânaient.
. He graduated in 1697 and the following year accepted the chaplaincy of York in northeastern Massachusetts (now Maine). Only a man inured to the prospect of hardship and possessed of exceptional courage would have agreed to go to a place where the previous minister and a number of inhabitants had lately been murdered by Indians. Moody declined a regular salary, believing that the Lord would provide. Once he gave away his wife’s shoes to a poor woman, but a neighbour gave her a new pair before the day was out. Anxious to divest himself of the love of created things, he gave away his most prized possession, his horse, saying, “He goes right up with me into the pulpit, and I cannot have him there. . . .” Although he never failed in the performance of compassionate acts on behalf of the unfortunate, he nevertheless was a man of violent temper, as he showed when he visited the alehouses, driving home the tosspots whom he found idling there. Many of the tales told of him throughout New England and his strange utterances found their way into
  Biographie – PREVOST, s...  
Il écrivit au ministère des Colonies : « Mes observations me portent à croire qu’à mesure que la Nouvelle-Écosse acquiert de la maturité, il lui déplaira de plus en plus d’être dirigée de l’extérieur, et ses tentatives pour se libérer des contraintes de la mère patrie se multiplieront. Bref, selon moi, les liens [qui l’unissent à la Grande-Bretagne] sont des liens de nécessité et de convenance plus que des liens de gratitude et d’affection. »
Beginning in 1810 Prevost undertook to buttress the tenuous establishment of the Church of England, thereby risking his hard-won popularity since that church’s claims on government alienated other denominations in the colony. He persuaded the British government to permit the use of surplus revenue in the arms fund for completion or repair of Anglican churches and the enlargement of King’s College at Windsor. Moreover, he appointed Anglican clergy as civil magistrates, took steps to protect school and glebe lands from encroachment or alienation, and placed Bishop Charles Inglis on the council. He also obtained an increase in Inglis’s salary, provided the bishop, who preferred to rusticate at Aylesford, resided in Halifax. In 1811 Prevost sought to improve clerical salaries by offering to suspend the unpopular collection of quitrents on land grants if the assembly made annual financial provision for Anglican ministers; the proposal was ultimately rejected. Perhaps to reduce criticism from the Presbyterian and Roman Catholic churches, in 1810 Prevost had also appointed a number of their clergy to be magistrates, and the following year he acknowledged the respectability of the Church of Scotland, if not a semi-official status for it, by authorizing a grant from the arms fund to one of its churches.
  Biographie – EDWARDS, R...  
Le message disait notamment : « Le nom de Peter McGonigle figurera toujours en bonne place sur la liste des as de l'arnaque. Un jour, il y a longtemps, j'ai moi-même failli me distinguer dans ce domaine en gérant adroitement des fonds de la Banque de Montréal. Cependant, comme les actions du CP ont monté au lieu de descendre, j'ai fini à la Chambre des lords plutôt qu'[au pénitencier de] Stony Mountain. » Furieux, dit-on, à la lecture de l'article, Strathcona ordonna à ses solicitors d'entamer des poursuites.
Perhaps the most ludicrous legal case occurred in 1906, when Edwards carried a story about his mythical editor, Peter J. McGonigle, purportedly released from jail after serving time for horse theft. At a banquet tendered for McGonigle in Calgary, a telegram supposedly sent by Lord Strathcona [Donald A. Smith*] was read to the audience. It stated in part, “The name of Peter McGonigle will ever stand high in the roll of eminent confiscators. Once, long ago, I myself came near achieving distinction in this direction when I performed some dexterous financing with the Bank of Montreal’s funds. In consequence, however, of CPR stocks going up instead of down, I wound up in the House of Lords instead of Stony Mountain [penitentiary].” Strathcona was reportedly infuriated by the article and instructed his solicitors to take legal action. However, when the nature of the Eye Opener was explained by the solicitors’ Calgary agents, he was persuaded to abandon the suit.
  Biographie – KELSEY, HE...  
Après avoir passé l’hiver à York, Kelsey retourna en Angleterre ; il cessa de toucher un salaire, le 12 septembre 1693, après neuf ans de service dans la baie. Il se rengagea le 25 avril 1694, s’embarqua durant l’été et était de retour à York au début du mois d’août.
Kelsey reported to Geyer by letter and received from York fresh supplies and orders. Then on 15 July 1691 he set out from Derings Point “to discover & bring to a Commerce the Naywatame poets.” Where he went can never be known with perfect certainty, despite the survival of his journal; but C. N. Bell’s summary is the most circumstantial yet made and deserves quotation: “ [Kelsey] ascended the Saskatchewan to the Carrot River at a point on which he abandoned his canoes and proceeded on foot, taking three days under starving conditions to pass through the muskeg country, extending for many miles south of the Saskatchewan River, then entered upon the first firm land, with its wild pigeons and moose, and farther south a more open prairie country which afforded an abundance of red deer, where he met the Eagle Creek Assiniboines, and proceeding on reached the Red Deer River, with its ‘slate mines,’ and, ascending that stream south south-west farther on came to the edge of the timber country, where before him stretched the Great Salt Plain, forty-six miles wide, extending cast and west, and on which he met more of the Assiniboine Indians (these from the adjacent Thunder Hill district) he had journeyed so far to treat with, for he was indeed in ‘the country of the Assiniboines.’ That plain abounded with buffalo, and, crossing it, he again entered a wooded area and high champlain land, replete with ponds and lakes all inhabited by beaver, which was evidently the Touchwood Hills country.” In the course of this journey, on 20 Aug. 1691, Kelsey recorded descriptions of the buffalo and grizzly bear, the first white man to do so in the Canadian west.
  Biographie – GILLMOR, A...  
« Oh cher ! écrivait Hannah en 1865, je ne sais vraiment pas pourquoi je souhaite ton élection si elle doit t’éloigner ainsi de la maison. J’aimerais mieux que tu sois simplement M. Gillmor et t’avoir bien tranquille ici avec moi. » Outre qu’elle prêtait au « très cher Hill » une oreille attentive, elle le tenait informé de ce qui se passait dans la collectivité et, par-dessus tout, des détails de la vie de leurs enfants.
Abandoning provincial politics, Gillmor concentrated instead on his late father’s business interests and on his personal life. The latter was centred in his family and his home on the main street of St George, the site of his beloved garden. The spacious Georgian house, built in the year of his marriage, was the scene of many gatherings of political and community friends. A very happy marriage led to nearly daily letters between the spouses when separated. “Oh dear!” Hannah wrote in 1865, “I do not know why in the world I wish you to be elected if it is to keep you away from home in this way. I would rather have you as plain Mr. Gillmor and quietly at home with me.” In addition to providing “dearest Hill” with a supportive ear, she kept him informed about life in their community and, above all, about the minutiae of their children’s lives. A devoted Baptist, as he was, she told of the revival meetings she attended and of her wish that the children would experience conversion. The education of their family was a constant concern to them both. As the children got older, they too wrote frequently to their father, with details of school life. The eldest son, Daniel, grew in his late teens and early adulthood to assume responsibility for the family business.
  FR:Biography – HORNER, ...  
Parlant vers 1899 de l’un de ses passages favoris de la Bible, Michée (chap. iii, 8) (« Moi, au contraire, je suis plein de force, et du souffle de Yahvé »), il évoqua sa première expérience : « Un samedi soir, tandis que j’attendais sous ma tente une victoire pour le Sabbat, ce texte est venu, et avec lui une bourrasque ; je ne pouvais ni m’asseoir, ni me tenir debout, ni m’étendre ; j’étais dans toutes les formes, et la tente, de 40 [pieds] sur 60, semblait trop petite pour me contenir. Il me tardait d’être dehors pour avoir de l’espace […] Le lendemain j’ai prêché sur “ Moi, je suis plein de force ”. Tous les opposants se sont rués vers l’autel pour [demander] miséricorde. »
To his followers, Horner’s self-possessed style, espousal of holiness, and willingness to confront the apparently lax “professors of religion” were mesmerizing. In his sermons and writings he claimed to have known infusions of power that enabled him to convert sinners. Speaking about 1899 on a favourite passage, Micah 3:8 (“But truly I am full of power by the Spirit of the Lord”), he recalled his first experience: “On a Saturday evening, while in my tent waiting for a victory for the Sabbath, this text came, and with it a cyclone of power; I could not sit, stand or lie; I was in every shape and form, and the tent, 40 x 60, seemed too small to hold me. I longed to be outside to have room. . . . I preached the next day on ‘Truly I am full of power.’ All the opposers ran to the altar for mercy.”
  Biographie – MacGREGOR,...  
En septembre 1901, de Londres, avant de monter à Édimbourg, il écrivit au professeur Archibald McKellar MacMechan* : « Il y a des choses qu’on ne se dit pas face à face entre hommes. Mais maintenant que[?] l’océan nous sépare, j’éprouve le besoin de vous dire combien je regrette que cet engagement à Édimbourg nous sépare et combien notre amitié a compté pour moi durant les années que nous avons passées ensemble [...] Ne vous laissez pas décourager par les pessimistes. Il y aura certainement des jours meilleurs. »
It was to Tait’s chair of natural philosophy at Edinburgh that MacGregor succeeded in 1901. He found the invitation impossible to resist: salary better, equipment good, pension laid on. But he said later that it was the absence of the last at Dalhousie, remedied in 1906, that had persuaded him to go. For he was fond of his Dalhousie colleagues and hated to leave them. He wrote Professor Archibald McKellar MacMechan* a sad letter from London on his way north to Edinburgh in September 1901: “There are some things a man can’t say to a man face to face. But now that[?] the ocean is between us I feel impelled to tell you how deeply I regret that this translation to Edinburgh must separate us & how much your friendship meant to me in the years we have had together. . . . Don’t let the pessimists dishearten you. The day of better things must come.”
  Biographie – POPE, sir ...  
Dans une lettre datée de 1925, il demanda à son fils Maurice Arthur : « Comment arriverons-nous à nous entendre quand chaque membre [de l'Empire] revendiquera un statut égal à celui des autres ; quand chaque dominion aura [...] non seulement une armée et une marine, mais aussi son propre corps diplomatique ? Pour moi, un tel Empire est inconcevable. Je dois laisser la solution du problème à des esprits plus jeunes et plus vigoureux que le mien. »
Thoroughly loyal, Pope was not given to Canadian nationalism. Indeed, he had always been British in sentiment and thought. His compass, his son Maurice Arthur would later observe, had been set in earlier times. Pope could not adjust it to the polarities of the 1920s. He sided with William Lyon Mackenzie King*’s non-committal response to Britain’s astounding call for military support during the Çanak crisis of 1922, but the idea of diplomatic autonomy within a British commonwealth of nations baffled him. In a letter to Maurice his son in 1925 he asked, “How are we going to get on when every member [of the empire] claims an equal status with the rest; where each Dominion shall have . . . not only an army and navy, but also a diplomacy of its own? To my way of thinking such an Empire is an impossibility. I must leave the solution of the problem to younger and more vigorous minds than mine.”
  Biographie – HONEY, SAM...  
La citation disait notamment : « Il a fait un excellent travail en dégageant l’une des tranchées de communication ennemies et en établissant un barrage malgré une forte résistance. Il a lui-même couvert le retrait de son équipe et d’une autre équipe sous une pluie de grenades. » Modeste, Honey écrivit à sa famille : « Je pense que le reste du groupe méritait autant de félicitations que moi [...] Je n’ai rien fait d’exceptionnel. » « La plus grosse partie de mon travail, ajoutait-il, a consisté à mener le groupe à travers [le champ de bataille], et, en fait, ce n’est pas aussi facile qu’on peut le croire. Mais mon sens de l’orientation est assez bon, et [...] j’ai frappé notre objectif à moins de dix verges. »
Honey won the Military Medal for gallantry during a raid on German trenches on 22 Feb. 1917. The citation read in part, “He did most excellent work in clearing an enemy’s communication trench and establishing a block in spite of heavy opposition. He personally covered the withdrawal of his own and another squad under a very heavy grenade fire.” Honey was modest about his achievement and wrote home, “I think the rest of the party deserved recognition as much as I did. . . . What I did, didn’t amount to much.” He added, “The biggest part of my job was leading the party across; and it really isn’t as easy as one would think. But my bump of locality is pretty well developed, and . . . I struck our objective within ten yards.”
  Biographie – GOODYEAR, ...  
À Terre-Neuve, cette lettre fut souvent lue à l’occasion des cérémonies du jour de l’Armistice et du jour du Souvenir (1er juillet), et l’on finit par croire que Goodyear avait été tué le lendemain du jour où il l’avait écrite. Or, il vécut assez longtemps pour écrire à sa famille une autre lettre, moins connue, le 17 août.
Goodyear’s poignant letter to his mother of 7 Aug. 1918, on the eve of Amiens; Pratt called it “The last home letter of Hedley Goodyear.” Eventually it came to be believed in Newfoundland, where the letter was frequently read at services on Armistice Day and on Memorial Day (1 July), that Goodyear had been killed the day after he wrote it. In fact, he lived to write another, less-celebrated letter home, on 17 August. Unlike his sombre farewell of the 7th, it expressed the confidence and optimism that Allied troops were beginning to feel as the war’s end became probable. “Don’t worry about me,” it concluded. “I’m Hun-proof.” Six days later the chaplain of the 102nd buried him in a British cemetery near Le Quesnel. “He was,” wrote his colonel, Frederick Lister, in a letter to his father, “an officer of whom any Battalion Commander might well feel proud.”
  Biographie – NICHOL, RO...  
Le 2 mars 1818, le représentant de la province, William Halton, écrivait à un ami : « J’ai vu le grand colonel Nichol une fois et ai voulu lui montrer toute la civilité possible, mais il s’est détourné de moi et refuse même de répondre à mes billets. »
It is difficult to determine Nichol’s mental and emotional state from 1817 until his death. Certainly he was bitter about his difficulty with respect to his war losses and he had reason to be. His moods seemed to oscillate in a manner reminiscent of his first years as a merchant on his own. Always vain, he was even more wary of slights, real or imagined. Gore, he was sure, had in 1817 made “very unfavorable representations of My Conduct” to Bathurst; it was not true. On 2 March 1818 provincial agent William Halton wrote to a friend that “I have seen the Great Colonel Nichol once, & wished to have shewn him every Civilty in my Power, but he has cut me entirely & wont even answer my notes.”
  Biographie – BABY, JAME...  
du district de Western que lui offrait Simcoe, il écrivit : « La pensée que je puis être utile, particulièrement a nos pauvres Canadiens qui n’ont ici d’autre appui que moi, me porte à tout accepter, quelque soient mes répugnances. » L’année suivante, Baby et Richard G. England*, le commandant de Detroit, organisèrent la milice locale qui était composée pour une bonne part de Canadiens ; le rôle de Baby consistait surtout à s’assurer de la loyauté de ses compatriotes.
An elder son of a prestigious family in the Detroit area, James Baby was educated in the province of Quebec under the supervision of his uncle François*. He also took lessons in fencing and dancing, activities esteemed as attributes of gentility. At the conclusion of his studies his father sent him on a European tour, during which Baby married an actress. Soon after, he was recalled by his father who effectively, if not legally, ended the union by providing her with a pension. Baby was then initiated into his father’s commercial affairs and amassed considerable wealth.
  FR:Biography – BURTON, ...  
Puis, avec une généreuse confiance que de futurs événements allaient cruellement trahir, il ajoutait : « de fait, il se montre en toute occasion si courtois et si distingué qu’il doit inspirer le respect des meilleures classes de la société, et il s’avère pour moi un appui solide ».
A courtier through and through, by 1824 Burton had sufficiently ingratiated himself with the assembly to secure an increase of salary as some compensation for condescending to reside in the colony. “Every body is pleased with his manners,” recorded Governor Lord Dalhousie [Ramsay*], who added with a generous confidence cruelly belied by later events, “indeed he is in all things so courtly & well bred that he must command the respect of the better classes of society, and prove to me a powerful support.”
  Biographie – MACDONELL,...  
L’idée des travaux de défense du canal Rideau « m’était venue à moi exclusivement, au début de 1813 », revendiqua Macdonell en 1817 ; il soutint que sir George Prévost lui avait promis une récompense de 2 000 guinées s’il pouvait démontrer le caractère pratique de son plan.
Macdonell claimed in 1817 that the idea of a Rideau Canal defence work “had occurred, exclusively to me, in the beginning of 1813” and that Sir George Prevost had promised him a reward of 2,000 guineas if he could prove the practicality of his plan. He did not receive the reward because the Colonial Office maintained in 1818 that earlier plans for a military canal had existed. The Colonial Office also refused to recognize Macdonell’s weakly supported contention that he had inspired Sir Isaac Brock*’s successful campaign tactics at the beginning of the war. Tragically, this energetic officer who had displayed such perspicacity on the battlefield had completely lost his sense of judgement.
  FR:Biography – ROGERS, ...  
En 1800, Rogers s’installa dans une ferme du canton de Cramahe. Vivant seul « comme à l’habitude », il notait : « le soin de mes bêtes m’empêche de m’éloigner longtemps de chez moi et grâce à mes livres, je ne m’ennuie jamais ».
His real mark was made in the arena of politics where his uncompromising concern with proper procedure, correct form, and the rights and prerogatives of the House of Assembly earned him notoriety, if not prominence. Notable in his early career had been his opposition in 1798 to Christopher Robinson*’s bill that would have allowed immigrants to bring their slaves into Upper Canada. More typical was his clash in May 1801 with Mr Justice Henry Allcock* over the crown’s right to dismiss at pleasure an official holding office by patent. At issue were the limits of the crown’s prerogative, a subject of increasing dispute during Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter*’s administration. As an obdurate champion of the assembly, Rogers established himself as a leading member of the incipient opposition. Development of the rhetoric of opposition fell to others, especially William Weekes* and Robert Thorpe*. Their criticisms, particularly of the Executive Council and senior officials, attracted the support of many assemblymen stung by the so-called administrative reforms of Hunter’s government. Rogers introduced Weekes to the house after his election in 1805 and subsequently seconded his motion to “consider the disquietude which prevails . . . by reason of the administration of Public Offices.” Rogers was more sporadic in his support of Thorpe but worked closely with the
  Biographie – DANDURAND,...  
selon les volontés du défunt, qui l'a également désigné comme le plus apte à lui succéder : « Il a été mon bras droit, mon appui, ma consolation, un autre moi-même », a écrit Mgr Guigues quelques mois plus tôt.
When Guigues died on 8 Feb. 1874 Dandurand became administrator of the diocese, according to the wishes of the former bishop, who had also mentioned him as his most appropriate successor. "He has been my right hand, my support, my consolation, my other self," he had written a few months earlier. But the Oblates objected to the appointment of one of their number, and furthermore, there were differences of opinion with regard to Dandurand. After a painful waiting period, the controversial choice of Bishop Joseph-Thomas Duhamel* added to his distress. For a while he even considered transferring to the secular clergy.
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