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  Biographie – CARTWRIGHT...  

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Dans l’ensemble toutefois, cette transaction foncière se classa parmi les moins lucratives qu’il ait réalisées, car il revendit la plupart de ses propriétés de Winnipeg avant qu’elles ne prennent de la valeur au début des années 1890. Durant une bonne partie de sa vie, Cartwright fut aussi courtier en investissements, occupation « excitante » mais « précaire », signala-t-il après l’avoir abandonnée.

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He had begun his political career in 1863 as a Tory when he defeated the sitting Conservative in Lennox and Addington in a “factionalized and intensely local contest.” He was a loyal back-bencher in Macdonald’s party and spent much of his time acquainting himself with party management. Playing a role familiar to many 19th-century Ontario politicians, he carried the “oil-can” of patronage to reward Conservative loyalists in his riding. Throughout his Tory years he had an amicable relationship with Macdonald, corresponding with him about party matters and the distribution of appointments. He treated his sojourn on the back-benches as a form of apprenticeship, but he was not a silent supporter of the Conservatives. In a pattern that would become familiar to both friends and enemies in the House of Commons, he was a vigorous and outspokenly partisan mla. From his earliest days, there was a strong streak of independence about Cartwright: not for him the customary role of a back-bencher who always toed the party line. In legislative debate in 1864 over the state of the Canadian militia, for example, he forcefully argued that neither John A. nor John Sandfield Macdonald*, the co-premier who had started to reform the militia in 1863, had come up with an adequate plan for the colony’s defence. Cartwright pushed for the establishment of a “regular first class militia” of 50,000 to 100,000 men who would be drilled for six months and then put on reserve. Such a force, he reasoned, would be cheaper and more effective than the existing system, which called men away from their occupations for brief periods of drill.

  Biographie – SUTHERLAND...  

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En 1796, il fut nommé chef de poste à Brandon House et il s’y rendit le 13 septembre. En avril de l’année suivante, toutefois, on signala qu’il était « très malade », et il mourut au cours de ce mois.

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The endeavours of the inland traders were carefully noted by the London committee. In 1792 it informed the chief of Albany that, being particularly pleased with “the conduct and assiduity” of Sutherland, it was appointing him to the Albany council. That same year Sutherland, who was by now earning £40 with a £10 gratuity annually, built Eschabitchewan House on Lake Burdingno (Ball Lake, Ont.), and the next year he established Portage de l’Isle on the Winnipeg River near its junction with the English River (Ont.). He took charge of Osnaburgh in October 1794 at a salary of £70 per annum. Despite strong competition from the Canadian pedlars, he managed to secure a good share of the trade. In 1796 he was appointed master of Brandon House and arrived there on 13 September. By April of the next year, however, he was reported “very sick” and died the same month. He left an estate that consisted of £1, 050 in consolidated Bank of England annuities.

  Biographie – DOUTRE, JO...  

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Si Doutre ne figurait pas parmi les 11 membres de l’institut que les électeurs envoyaient siéger au parlement, il se signala par le rôle qu’il joua dans la « convention » organisée par l’institut sur l’abolition de la tenure seigneuriale.

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Meanwhile the bishops had come down hard on the Institut Canadien. Following the publication of Bishop Bourget’s three pastoral letters on 10 March, 30 April, and 31 May 1858, 138 members resigned from the institute to set up a rival society, the Institut Canadien-Français. The bishop of Montreal vigorously rejected the free-thinking opinions of the leading members of the Institut Canadien, singling out Doutre and his brother-in-law Charles Daoust in particular.

  Biographie – MYATT, JOS...  

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En 1709, John Fullartine eut à défendre le fort Albany contre les Français. Myatt se signala au cours de l’attaque, sans doute comme canonnier, fonction pour laquelle il s’engagea plus tard, en 1714. Il fut un employé compétent et digne de confiance.

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Myatt, who came from Cheshire, England, joined the HBC as a landsman in May 1708 signing a contract for four years at £10 per annum for the first year with annual increases of £2. He distinguished himself (perhaps as a gunner, a position he contracted for in 1714) when John Fullartine commanded the defence of Albany against a French attack in 1709. Myatt was a competent, trustworthy servant, and in 1714–15, having become conversant with the Indian languages, he traded for the HBC on the East Main. His wages were raised but because his terms were so high he was recalled in 1719.

  Biographie – WHYMPER, F...  

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Il fit son travail consciencieusement, mais son compte rendu des circonstances dans lesquelles, peu avant son départ de la région, des Amérindiens avaient tué des cantonniers [V. Klatsassin*], attira plus l’attention que ses dessins. Ceux-ci ne passèrent quand même pas inaperçus. Whymper avait su rendre de « magnifiques glaciers » ainsi que « les méandres de la piste et [... ses] formidables obstacles », signala le

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Robert Brown*]. Of wiry build, he accepted the rigours of an expedition which covered much of the southern part of the island. An exhibition of 33 of his drawings from the exploration was held in Victoria in November 1864. In 1865 Whymper joined the Russian-American Telegraph project, which intended to construct a telegraph line linking the United States and Europe through British Columbia, Alaska, and Siberia. As its artist he went to Norton Sound (Alas.) during the summer and then crossed to Petropavlovsk (Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskii, Russia). Following a winter in San Francisco, he again set out for Petropavlovsk and subsequently travelled around the Gulf of Anadyr (Andayrsky Zaliv, Russia). Near the end of October 1866 he crossed to Mikhailovski (St Michael) on Norton Sound, and after a winter at Nulato he ascended the Yukon River to Fort Yukon, where he received news of the successful laying of a transatlantic telegraph cable [

  FR:Biography – TUYLL VA...  

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Taylor désapprouvait vivement les exigences de la compagnie et, en 1838, il signala à Jones que « l’autocrate de Russie ne pourrait pas placer ses plus méprisables vassaux dans une position plus désespérée [et plus] dégradante que celle que la Canada Company a[vait] réservée au baron van Tuyll ».

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It seems apparent that neither baron had any practical idea of the costs of the improvements which each contracted to make. Vincent had few problems in paying off the purchase price by August 1841, but it was minor compared to the improvements, which would nearly overwhelm his resources. Taylor was highly critical of the company’s demands and informed Jones in 1838 that “the Russian Autocrat could not place his meanest vassals in a more helpless degrading position than the Canada Company have placed the Baron de Tuyll.” The cost of forfeiture would be “about twenty times the original value of the purchase, and the purchase money to boot.” Such, Taylor concluded, “is the contemplated reward for improving a Wilderness!!”

  Biographie – GIVINS, JA...  

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Même s’il accompagna Brock à Detroit et combattit par la suite à la frontière du Niagara, ce n’est que le 27 avril 1813 qu’il connut son heure de gloire, quand, avec une petite compagnie de Mississagués, il participa à la défense d’York contre l’invasion américaine. Le commandant des troupes britanniques, sir Roger Hale Sheaffe*, signala sa « résistance courageuse ».

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Following the disbanding of the Queen’s Rangers, on 19 Nov. 1803 Givins had been made a captain in the 5th Foot. He subsequently left the regiment but, with the outbreak of hostilities between Britain and the United States in June 1812, he returned to active military service. He was appointed a provincial aide-de-camp to Isaac Brock* on 14 August and was gazetted a major in the militia. Although he accompanied Brock to Detroit and subsequently fought on the Niagara frontier, his finest hour came on 27 April 1813 when, with a small company of Mississaugas, he assisted in the defence of York against the invading Americans. His “spirited opposition” was noted by the British commander, Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe*. After the close of the war his association with the militia continued. On 21 Jan. 1820 he was made colonel of the 3rd Battalion of York militia and the following year he was appointed colonel of the 1st Battalion of West York militia.

  Biographie – JAMES, PHI...  

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Malheureusement, à cause du manque de prédication et de soutien communautaire, plusieurs d’entre eux avaient perdu leur foi ; un peu plus tard, cependant, il signala que la plupart étaient en voie de « recouvrer leur perte » et semblaient « se diriger à pleines voiles vers le paradis ».

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James was first assigned to Cobourg, which received many Bible Christian immigrants before they passed through to other destinations. In 1842 he moved on to the circuit in Darlington and Whitby townships, another area with a large number of West Country immigrants, and returned to the Cobourg circuit in 1844. Two years later he was sent to Mitchell to minister to Bible Christians who had moved to the Huron Tract on the southeast shore of Lake Huron. By 1848, with the help of the Reverend Arthur Doble, James had gathered a circuit which extended 50 to 60 miles one way and 40 to 50 in the other, an area covering 12 townships. He found that 30 of the first 38 members of his congregation were English-born, and that some 11 or 12 had been Bible Christians in the old country. Unfortunately, for the want of Christian preaching and fellowship, many had fallen away from their faith; however, after a short time, he reported that most were “repairing their loss” and appeared “to be in full sail for Port Glory.” The Huron Tract, with some of the worst roads in the province, made heavy physical demands upon him. Doble, writing in 1849, said, “I learn from the people that he has laboured very hard among them, more than his strength would rightly admit. He seems to be failing.” But despite the concerns of his congregations, James reported that lay help was difficult to obtain because it was hard to persuade the people of their duty to sacrifice just one hour to attend to the business of the church.

  Biographie – SALUSBURY,...  

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Il mentionna également les critiques ouvertes des marchands concernant la partialité des juges, notamment de Charles Morris*, et signala que « les affaires du gouvernement ne sauraient se maintenir si on devait constamment céder aux caprices » des marchands.

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John Salusbury was descended from a prominent Welsh family. He was educated at Whitchurch School (probably in Wales) and Trinity Hall, Cambridge, where he obtained the ma degree in 1728. For several years after his graduation he seems to have led a carefree life in England. Some time before 1737 he returned to Wales and became a captain in the militia, probably through the influence of his cousin, Sir Robert Cotton. He married Sir Robert’s sister, Hester, in 1739, and though she brought a small fortune to the marriage, Salusbury, through poor management of the family finances, was unable to keep himself out of debt. Finally, under the patronage of the Earl of Halifax, then head of the Board of Trade, he attempted to re-establish himself financially through a colonial venture. On 21 June 1749 Salusbury arrived at Chebucto (Halifax, N.S.) in the suite of Governor Edward Cornwallis* and was sworn in on 14 July as a member of the new council of Nova Scotia along with Paul Mascarene, Edward How, John Gorham, and others. As register and receiver of rents, at a salary of 20 shillings per day, he was responsible for parcelling out land in Halifax and its environs and supervising its allocation to settlers.

  Biographie – UNIACKE, R...  

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Binney sentit tout le poids de l’opposition d’Uniacke et l’influence qu’il exerçait sur les jeunes membres du clergé de Halifax, lorsque le vieux pasteur bourru et dévot refusa obstinément de faire partie du synode diocésain, sous prétexte que ce geste donnerait trop de pouvoir à l’évêque, qui, de surcroît, était un évêque anglo-catholique. Uniacke se signala par ses bonnes œuvres mais, au moment de sa mort, il était aussi irréductible partisan de l’immobilisme qu’il avait été ardent avocat du changement dans sa jeunesse.

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Uniacke’s evangelical fervour and low church predilections can best be illustrated by his relations with the exclusivist Bishop John Inglis and his Tractarian successor, Bishop Hibbert Binney*. Uniacke defied Inglis by supporting, joining, and actively directing evangelical Anglican organizations, especially the Colonial Church Society (subsequently the Colonial and Continental Church Society) and such interdenominational associations as the British and Foreign Bible Society. Binney felt the weight of Uniacke’s opposition and influence over the junior clergy in Halifax, when the crusty, pious old rector stubbornly refused to join the diocesan synod on the ground that it would give too much power to the bishop, and an Anglo-Catholic bishop at that. Uniacke died noted for his good works but as steadfastly opposed to change as he had been a force for change in his youth.

  Biographie – HAVEN, JEN...  

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Le gouverneur et les moraves reçurent avec satisfaction les résultats de l’expédition menée par Haven. Palliser signala que « l’on pourrait tirer bon profit de cet homme l’année prochaine » ; de leur côté, les moraves jugèrent qu’une mission au Labrador était possible et même nécessaire.

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Haven spent the summer of 1764 at the strait. As a result of long conversations with the Inuit, he was able to provide Palliser with a detailed report on the situation there and an accurate analysis of the factors underlying the outbreaks of violence. Both the governor and the Moravians welcomed the results of Haven’s expedition: Palliser reported that “good use may be made of this Man next Year”; the Moravians decided that a Labrador mission could, and should, be established. In 1765, under Palliser’s auspices, Haven returned to the strait on a ship commanded by Francis Lucas*. He was accompanied by three other Moravians, one of whom, Christian Larsen Drachart, could also speak the Inuit language. The Moravians wanted primarily to find a site for a mission house, but because Palliser had decided to use them as interpreters to assist in making a form of treaty with the Inuit, their freedom of movement was restricted. Angered by Palliser’s attitude, the Moravian authorities decided that there would be no further expeditions to Labrador until they were given the land grants there for which they had applied in February 1765. Both Palliser and the Board of Trade were unwilling to make the grants, and it seemed that an impasse had been reached. Haven spent 1766 and 1767 in Moravian settlements at Fulneck and Zeist (Netherlands).

  Biographie – ZIMMERMAN,...  

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Même s’il dut demander que l’échéance des travaux inscrite à son contrat soit reportée, il se signala, selon Francis Hincks*, comme « un des entrepreneurs les plus doués et qui réussissait le mieux [parmi ceux] que le gouvernement avait employés jusqu’alors ».

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In his role of railway promoter and contractor, embarking on the beginning of what many believed to be a golden age of progress and prosperity, Zimmerman quickly displayed a flair for publicity and showmanship. He organized free rides on the completed portion of the Great Western track out of Hamilton by day and lavish entertainments for prominent businessmen and politicians by night. Construction, however, was slow and in 1852 Oswald and Zimmerman were unable to complete the eastern division by the time specified in their contract. On the advice of Benedict the railway company nevertheless offered them a bonus of £17,500 if the work was finished by September 1853. Despite missing this extended deadline by two months, the firm was voted a bonus of £11,250 for “early completion,” even though the line was in such an unfinished state on opening in November that the engine of the train carrying a group of dignitaries from Hamilton to Zimmerman’s home at Niagara Falls fell off the track when loose rails gave way. Zimmerman’s firm undoubtedly profited handsomely from the Great Western contract, which permitted extra charges above the agreed price per mile on the approval of the chief engineer, who, until his dismissal in November 1852 for grossly underestimating the cost of the work, was Zimmerman’s friend Benedict.

  Biographie – WEBSTER, E...  

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Toutefois, Ella Bronson se signala principalement en tant que fondatrice et administratrice de l'Ottawa Maternity Hospital. Inauguré en 1895 sous sa présidence, avec un conseil d'administration entièrement féminin, l'hôpital fonctionna jusque vers 1925, soit jusqu'à son intégration au Civic Hospital.

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AO, RG 22-354, 12212-310. ...Commonwealth of Virginia, Dept. of Health, Div. of vital records (Richmond), Marriage certificate, Norfolk, 8 Sept. 1874. ...NA, MG 9, D7-35, 113; MG 27, I, B5, 8–10; MG 28, I 32; I 37, 1–2; III 26, 719. ...North York Public Library (Toronto), Canadiana Coll., Ontario Geneal. Soc. Library coll., cemetery transcripts, Beechwood Cemetery (Ottawa), sect.50: 44. ...Ottawa Citizen, October 1899, 12 Feb. 1925. ...Ottawa Evening Journal, October 1896, October 1898, November 1908, May 1909, February 1910, June 1912, December 1918, November 1922, 12 Feb. 1925. ...Ottawa Free Press, June 1899. ...S. A. Cook, “A helping hand and shelter: Anglo-Protestant social service agencies in Ottawa, 1880–1910” (ma thesis, Carleton Univ., Ottawa, 1987). ...R. P. Gillis, “E. H. Bronson and corporate capitalism: a study in Canadian business thought and action, 1880–1910” (ma thesis, Queen's Univ., Kingston, Ont., 1975). ...N. E. S. Griffiths, The splendid vision: centennial history of the National Council of Women of Canada, 1893–1993 (Ottawa, 1993). ...Protestant Orphans' Home, Annual report (Ottawa), 1864–1925 (copies in City of Ottawa Arch.). [These reports reveal that secondary sources are wrong in claiming Ella Hobday Webster was known for her work with this home; it was her mother-in-law and sister-in-law who were involved in its management. s.a.c.]§.

  FR:Biography – WHITE, A...  

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Son ascension sociale, qui accompagna sa réorientation professionnelle, se confirma à la génération suivante : son fils Andrew devint marchand à Montréal et sa fille Mary épousa l’ingénieur Nicol Hugh Baird*. White ne se signala par aucune réalisation particulière.

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Andrew White, like his former partners McKay and Redpath, successfully made the occupational transition from skilled artisan to businessman at a time when strong expansion in the construction industry in Montreal and the transportation sector of the colonial economy offered excellent opportunities to men of technical skill, initiative, and business acumen. White’s rise in social rank, which accompanied the occupational shift, was consolidated in the next generation; for his son, Andrew, became a merchant in Montreal and his daughter Mary married the engineer Nicol Hugh Baird*. White does not stand out for any single achievement. Rather, he is significant as a member of a group of aggressive Montreal businessmen who, through their technical knowledge and skills, advanced significantly the early development of Canada’s transportation network.

  Biographie – ALLARD, OV...  

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Allard était au nombre de ceux qui construisirent le fort Hope pendant l’hiver de 1848–1849 et, une fois encore, il fut chargé de s’occuper du magasin. Il y demeura au moins jusqu’au 2 juin 1850, date où il signala à Yale qu’il allait « bientôt manquer de tous les articles de commerce ».

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When the Fraser River gold rush began in the spring of 1858, Governor James Douglas sent Allard to reopen Fort Yale, which had been abandoned on the completion of Fort Hope nearly ten years before. Now an experienced man was again needed there to trade with the Indians and avert clashes with the miners pouring into the area. Allard remained at Yale until 1864, when business had so far declined that he was sent to take charge at Fort Langley. There he spent the remaining ten years of his life, looking after the affairs of the HBC farm and trading with the Indians for salmon, cranberries, and furs. He seems to have given satisfaction in this post, though he never attained a rank higher than that of clerk. Presumably his lack of education held him back. His letters are ungrammatical, and he admitted to his supervisors in Victoria that he did not feel himself competent to open a new set of books, for “your system of accounts confuses me much.”