rumsfeld – English Translation – Keybot Dictionary

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Donald Rumsfeld poursuivi par deux américains détenus en Irak
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Elle présente les principaux acteurs du gouvernement Bush, les fameux « Vulcains » (Cheney, Rice, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, etc.), et leur cheminement idéologique ainsi qu’un examen du leadership de Bush et de sa conception du monde.

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The first part of the book is somewhat unexciting because, for the most part, it repeats information that the informed reader already knows. It provides background information about the key actors in the Bush administration – the so-called Vulcans: Cheney, Rice, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and others – and their intellectual roots, and discusses Bush’s leadership and his world view. An early section of the book focuses on Bush’s apparent ignorance of foreign policy and international security issues prior to his being elected. Nevertheless, during his run for presidency, Bush made clear that “American foreign policy cannot be founded on fear”. His world view was deeply rooted in the realist take on international affairs that shares the following assumptions: (1) The United States would only get involved in international affairs if its vital national interests are threatened; (2) The United States lives in a dangerous world; (3) Nation states are the key actors in international relations; (4) Military power and will are important to defend vital national interests: “If America leads, others will follow; and, (5) Multilateral agreements are neither important nor necessary. Overall, Bush wanted his foreign policy to be ABC – Anything But Clinton.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Hape, [2007] 2 R.C.S. 292, 2007 CSC 26; Rasul c. Bush, 542 U.S. 466 (2004); Hamdan c. Rumsfeld, 126 S. Ct. 2749 (2006); Suresh c. Canada (Ministre de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration), [2002] 1 R.C.S. 3, 2002 CSC 1; États‑Unis c.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine csc.lexum.org as primary domain	Referred to:  R. v. Stinchcombe, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 326; Khadr v. Canada, [2006] 2 F.C.R. 505, 2005 FC 1076; R. v. Hape, [2007] 2 S.C.R. 292, 2007 SCC 26; Rasul v. Bush, 542 U.S. 466 (2004); Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 126 S. Ct. 2749 (2006); Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), [2002] 1 S.C.R. 3, 2002 SCC 1; United States v. Burns, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 283, 2001 SCC 7.

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"C'est l'Union européenne, représentée par trois pays fondateurs de l'UE, l'Allemagne, la France, l'Italie ainsi que le Portugal, entré en 1986. Ce triomphe de l'UE ne devrait pas plaire au ministre de la Défense américain Donald Rumsfeld, puisque parmi les demi-finalistes figurent les deux grands représentants de ce qu'il appelait avec mépris la 'vielle Europe', la France et l'Allemagne. L'Asie a été éliminée, ce qui était prévisible, l'Afrique aussi, ce qui était à craindre, et l'Amérique latine, ce qu'on pourrait regretter par solidarité ibérique, même s'il faut bien choisir un camp. (...) Avec la victoire d'un pays européen dimanche, cela fera neuf victoires pour le Vieux Continent et neuf pour l'Amérique latine. Nous sommes quittes. Sans rancune."

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"The World cup already has a winner", asserts the journalist Miguel Angel Bastenier. "It's the European Union, represented by the three founding fathers of the EU - Germany, France and Italy as well as Portugal, a member since 1986. This EU triumph is sure to displease American defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld, as among the semi-finalists we find two figureheads of what he disdainfully calls 'Old Europe' - France and Germany. Predictably, Asia is out, as is Africa, and unfortunately the South Americans too, out of Iberian solidarity we should feel sad about that, even though we eventually have to choose a camp... Following the certain victory of a European team on Sunday, we will seen nine wins for the Old Continent and nine for Latin America. We are quits. No hard feelings."

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Cela permet aussi d'éliminer des preuves pour un éventuel procès indépendant. Le Secrétaire d'Etat à la défense Rumsfeld a interdit les caméras et appareils photographiques dans les prisons, et ce, afin d'éviter que l'on puisse enregistrer de nouveaux actes de torture.

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President Bush, whose speech of 24 May leaves no doubt that United States will continue to treat Iraq as a colony with or without a Security Council resolution, announced that he has the intention of demolishing the Abou Ghraib prison, which is a way of destroying evidence that could be used in a future independent judicial process. Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld has prohibited the admission of photographic cameras into the prisons with the intent to avoid the documentation of new acts of torture.

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La première a été constituée par décret. Dans l'affaire Hamdan c. Rumsfeld, la Cour suprême a déclaré ces commissions illégales. On a donc créé une nouvelle Loi sur les commissions militaires, qui a été adoptée par le Congrès.

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There have been several versions of military commissions. The first was through an executive order. In Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, the Supreme Court declared them illegal, so the new Military Commissions Act came along and was passed by Congress. That is also being examined by the Supreme Court. The ruling is expected in June 2008 on the issue that the new iteration of the military commissions strips the detainees of their right to habeas corpus.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	16. Dave Lampton, de l'Institut Johns Hopkins, esquisse les contours de l'opinion en expliquant qu'il y a une division entre le secrétaire d'État Colin Powell, qui entre dans le camp de l'« engagement », et le secrétaire à la Défense Donald Rumsfeld, qui est davantage dans le camp de la « menace chinoise », Bush se situant quelque part entre les deux.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine csis-scrs.gc.ca as primary domain	16. Dave Lampton of Johns Hopkins outlines the principle contours of opinion in terms of a division between Secretary of State Colin Powell, who falls into the 'engagement' camp and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, who falls more into the 'China threat' camp, with Bush falling somewhere in the middle. "Small Mercies: China and American after 9/11,"

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Comme l’a dit un jour Donald Rumsfeld, « c’est la mission qui détermine la coalition – ce n’est pas la coalition qui doit déterminer la mission. » Ces paroles se sont révélées plus durables que sa carrière politique.

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The underlying principle of military-political alliances in the 21st century will most likely differ from that of the 20th century, when they were based on shared ideology or values. In the coming decades, alliances will probably be formed to achieve a concrete objective. As Donald Rumsfeld once said, “the mission determines the coalition – the coalition must not determine the mission.” This phrase proved to be more lasting than his political career.

  www.leader.lu  

Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Le début de la guerre en Iraq. La métaphore de Rumsfeld : « shock and awe » – choc et effroi. Depuis un terrain enneigé, nous regardons la télévision par la fenêtre. Les murs reflètent les changements de lumière et de texture.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine sawvideo.com as primary domain	The start of the war in Iraq – Shock and Awe is Rumsfeld’s metaphor – we watch from televisions in the snow in the spaces through our windows you can see the changes in light and texture on the walls – the television reconstituted as flashes of colour. An art of the war, an art of the horror. The viewer rises to go to the door. No bombs are dropping outside. Peter Mansbridge speaks.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Hape, [2007] 2 R.C.S. 292, 2007 CSC 26; Rasul c. Bush, 542 U.S. 466 (2004); Hamdan c. Rumsfeld, 126 S. Ct. 2749 (2006); Suresh c. Canada (Ministre de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration), [2002] 1 R.C.S. 3, 2002 CSC 1; États‑Unis c.
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine scc.lexum.org as primary domain	Referred to:  R. v. Stinchcombe, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 326; Khadr v. Canada, [2006] 2 F.C.R. 505, 2005 FC 1076; R. v. Hape, [2007] 2 S.C.R. 292, 2007 SCC 26; Rasul v. Bush, 542 U.S. 466 (2004); Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 126 S. Ct. 2749 (2006); Suresh v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), [2002] 1 S.C.R. 3, 2002 SCC 1; United States v. Burns, [2001] 1 S.C.R. 283, 2001 SCC 7.

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Les sites de news britanniques constatent un trafic sans précédent depuis des adresses IP américaines, alors que des Américains, dégoûtés par la couverture de la guerre dans les journaux américains (qui ont collectivement abandonné les histoires comme la poignée de main de Rumsfeld et Saddam ou l’espionnage des membres du conseil de sécurité de l’ONU) se tournent vers la vieille Europe pour de vraies informations.

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British news-sites are seeing unprecedented traffic from US IP ranges as Americans, repulsed by the stilted war coverage in the US papers (who have collectively abandoned stories like Rumsfeld’s handshake with Saddam and spying on security council members at the UN) turn to Old Europe for Real News.

  www.mri.gov.on.ca  

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Harford utilise l’exemple de la poursuite de la guerre d’Iraq par Donald Rumsfeld pour montrer que l’arrogance et la pensée magique ne sont pas les plus grands atouts que pourrait posséder un secrétaire à la Défense des États-Unis.

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Variation and selection are pretty straightforward concepts; decoupling is not. Harford argues that failure must be allowed to happen, and that it must happen on a scale that is survivable. He compares catastrophic industrial accidents like last year’s BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico with the financial crisis of 2008 and the failure of Lehman Brothers. In both cases, mechanisms that were designed to increase safety – pressure valves and ingenious financial instruments – actually amplified risk by encouraging complacency. Since failure is inevitable, Harford argues, the key is to avoid designing systems where the failure of one element leads to catastrophe.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Donald Rumsfeld poursuivi par deux américains détenus en Irak
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En 2004, le ministre de la Défense américain Son Excellence Donald Rumsfeld a décerné à Son Excellence Cheikh Jaber Mubarak Al-Hamad Al-Sabah, la médaille d'honneur et haute appréciation pour la fonction publique, l'une des plus hautes décorations du ministère de la Défense américaine, le Pentagone.

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In 2004, United States Secretary of Defense His Excellency Donald Rumsfeld decorated His Excellency Sheikh Jaber Mubarak Al-Hamad Al-Sabah the Medal of Honor and High Appreciation for Public Services, one of the top badges of the United States Department of Defense, the Pentagon, His Excellency was awarded this badge in appreciation of his efforts in enhancing relations between the State of Kuwait and the United States of America.

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Je voudrais ajouter quelque chose, à propos de la mauvaise mémoire : cet enfoiré de Rumsfeld a oublié que c’est l’Europe qui a appris à son peuple à parler sa langue et à insulter. Cette Noire de mes deux, Condoleeza Rice, a oublié que c’est l’Europe qui a appris à son pays à haïr celui qui est différent, parce qu’il a une autre couleur de peau, qu’il parle un dialecte ou qu’il n’a pas d’argent sur lui.

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I’d like to add something about having a poor memory: that bastard Rumsfeld has forgotten that it’s Europe that taught his people to speak its language and to insult. That crap black woman Condoleeza Rice has forgotten that it’s Europe which taught her country to hate anyone different because of their skin colour or the dialect they speak or because they have no money on them.

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Luc Frieden et Donald Rumsfeld
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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Beaucoup de membres du PNAC deviendraient des membres de l’administration Bush. Ces membres incluent Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, et Richard Perle. [26]
Compare text pagesCompare HTM pagesOpen source URLOpen target URLDefine courtfool.info as primary domain	Just a slip of the tongue? Not really. In July 1998, about governing Texas, he said already: "A dictatorship would be a lot easier." [31] And on July 26, 2001, speaking once again about his struggles with Congress he repeated: "a dictatorship would be a heck of a lot easier." [32]

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Show textShow cached sourceOpen source URL	Rumsfeld revendit l’entreprise SEARLE à Monsanto en 1985, avec des bénéfices conséquents,
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  eipcp.net  

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Le fil s’est accéléré pour conduire à la Network Centric Doctrine (doctrine centrée sur le réseau) qui conceptualise le champ des opérations militaires comme des systèmes en réseau disséminés, reliés par la technologie de l’information qui parcourt tout le spectre opérationnel. Ce type de transformation, promu par des néo-conservateurs comme Donald Rumsfeld, a rencontré de vives oppositions au sein de l’armée américaine.

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Non-linear and network terminology has its origins in military discourse since after the end of WWII and was instrumental in the conception in 1982 of the US military doctrine of AirLand Battle which emphasized inter-service cooperation and the targeting of the enemy at its systematic bottlenecks – bridges, headquarters and supply lines – in attempts to throw it off balance. It was conceived to check Soviet invasion in Central Europe and was first applied in the Gulf War of 1991. The advance of this strand leads to the Network Centric Doctrine in the context of the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) after the end of the Cold War. Network Centric Warfare conceptualizes the field of military operation as distributed network-systems, woven together by information technology across the entire operational spectrum. This type of transformation, promoted by neo-conservatives such as Donald Rumsfeld, faced strong opposition within the US armed forces. This opposition recently accelerated in the context of American military failures in Iraq. The IDF is similarly, since the early 1990s, undergoing institutional conflicts in the context of these transformations. In the context of these internal conflicts, a special language based on post-structuralist theory was used to articulate the critique of the existing system, to argue for transformations, and to call for further reorganizations. As Naveh explained: “We employ critical theory primarily in order to critique the military institution itself – its fixed and heavy conceptual foundations […].”

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Le fil s’est accéléré pour conduire à la Network Centric Doctrine (doctrine centrée sur le réseau) qui conceptualise le champ des opérations militaires comme des systèmes en réseau disséminés, reliés par la technologie de l’information qui parcourt tout le spectre opérationnel. Ce type de transformation, promu par des néo-conservateurs comme Donald Rumsfeld, a rencontré de vives oppositions au sein de l’armée américaine.

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Non-linear and network terminology has its origins in military discourse since after the end of WWII and was instrumental in the conception in 1982 of the US military doctrine of AirLand Battle which emphasized inter-service cooperation and the targeting of the enemy at its systematic bottlenecks – bridges, headquarters and supply lines – in attempts to throw it off balance. It was conceived to check Soviet invasion in Central Europe and was first applied in the Gulf War of 1991. The advance of this strand leads to the Network Centric Doctrine in the context of the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) after the end of the Cold War. Network Centric Warfare conceptualizes the field of military operation as distributed network-systems, woven together by information technology across the entire operational spectrum. This type of transformation, promoted by neo-conservatives such as Donald Rumsfeld, faced strong opposition within the US armed forces. This opposition recently accelerated in the context of American military failures in Iraq. The IDF is similarly, since the early 1990s, undergoing institutional conflicts in the context of these transformations. In the context of these internal conflicts, a special language based on post-structuralist theory was used to articulate the critique of the existing system, to argue for transformations, and to call for further reorganizations. As Naveh explained: “We employ critical theory primarily in order to critique the military institution itself – its fixed and heavy conceptual foundations […].”